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New episode. T.I (XXVI). St. Petersburg: Petersburg Oriental Studies, 2002. - 549 p.
ISBN 5-85803-235-9.
This volume is a continuation of the most authoritative decline of Russian oriental studies, the last volume of which, number XXV, was published back in 1921. In the new series of this publication, organized with the aim of continuing the interrupted tradition of the previous ZVORAO, the developments of Russian scientists and their colleagues from neighboring countries in the field are published studying the antiquities of the East, including archaeology, history, numismatics, philology, epigraphy and sphragistics, as well as cultural heritage.
Articles and notes.
O.F. Akimushkin (St. Petersburg). “Hasanat al-abrar” by Shaikh Muhammad-Murad Kashmiry is a rare hagiography of the late 17th century. Shaikhs of the Naqshbandiya-Mujaddidiyya brotherhood.
N. Almeeva (St. Petersburg). “Cultural layers” of traditional musical consciousness (Islamic-Christian borderlands in the Middle Volga region and Tatar song folklore).
A.A. Ambartsumyan (St. Petersburg). The ethnonym “khyaona” in the Avesta.
Yu.A.Vinogradov (St. Petersburg). Saltovo-Mayatsky complexes of the settlement of Artyushchenko I on the Taman Peninsula.
T. I. Vinogradova (St. Petersburg). Inscriptions and texts of Chinese folk paintings Nianhua.
[Y.A. Zadneprovsky] (St. Petersburg). Controversial issues.
studying red-engobed ceramics of Fergana.
N.V. Ivochkina (St. Petersburg). Chinese copper coin as a model of the world.
J.Ya.Ilyasov, R. Imamberdyev (Tashkent, Uzbekistan). New Arabic inscriptions on glazed Binket pottery.
N.V. Kozyreva (St. Petersburg). Old Babylonian seals with the name of the god Amurru from the collection of the State Hermitage.
A.I. Kolesnikov (St. Petersburg). Study of Central Iranian numismatics in the 19th century.
[B. D. Kochnev] (Samarkand, Uzbekistan). Who was the winner of Buk-Budrach: from the history of the Karakhanids.
B.A. Litvinsky (Moscow). Bactrians on the hunt.
A.K. Nefedkin (St. Petersburg). Defense and siege among the reindeer Chukchi (second half of the 17th-18th centuries).
V.P. Nikonorov (St. Petersburg). Military affairs of the European Huns in the light of data from the Greco-Latin written tradition.
I.V. Pyankov (Veliky Novgorod). Galisons - Khalibs - Moskhs (On the issue of the Circumpontian caste of metallurgists at the end of the 2nd - 1st millennium BC).
E.V. Rtveladze (Tashkent, Uzbekistan). On the periodization of the history of money circulation in Central Asian Mesopotamia in ancient times.
N.F. Savvonidi (St. Petersburg). On the issue of the spread of Christian ideas in the Northern Black Sea region in Roman times.
B. Sveitoslavsky (Lodz, Poland). Combat gases in the military affairs of the Tatar-Mongols.
A. I. Torgoev (Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan). Rare bronze jug from the Chui Valley.
S.A.Frantsuzov (St. Petersburg). The significance of the materials of the Soviet-Yemen Complex Expedition (SOYKE) for the study of South Arabia (epigraphical aspect).
N.A. Khan (Kirov). Scientometric measurement of the personnel potential of archeology in Central Asia during the Soviet period.
Yu.S. Khudyakov (Novosibirsk). Archaeological collections in museums of Northern China (Based on materials from the UNESCO Silk Road Expedition).
P.V. Shuvalov (St. Petersburg). Enemies of the Empire (according to the treatise of Pseudo-Mauritius).
A.Ya. Shchetenko (St. Petersburg). Cultural heritage of ancient Indian civilization (according to archaeological data).
Outstanding Russian Orientalists.
N.E. Vasilyeva (St. Petersburg). Viktor Romanovich Rosen is the founder of the Russian school of Oriental studies.
N.A. Lazarevskaya (St. Petersburg). Researcher of Central Asia Nikolai Ivanovich Veselovsky (based on materials from the photo archive of the IHMC RAS).
B.M.Masson (St. Petersburg). Joseph Abgarovich Orbeli and.
archaeological science.
V.A. Yakobson (St. Petersburg). Igor Mikhailovich Dyakonov is a historian.
Scientific life.
D. Abdulloev (St. Petersburg). International conference dedicated to the 1100th anniversary of the formation of the Samanid state.
V.M. Masson, V.P. Nikonorov (St. Petersburg). International conference “Cultural Heritage of the East”.
Scientific space of the CIS.
A. Ashirov (Ashgabat, Turkmenistan). National Institute of Manuscripts of Turkmenistan named after. Turkmenbashi.
G. Ismashzade (Baku, Azerbaijan). Khazar University is a new higher education institution in Azerbaijan.
Personalia.
L.M. Vseviov, V.P. Nikonorov (St. Petersburg). In memory of Tatyana Nikolaevna Zadneprovskaya (1926-2001).
New books (reviews and annotations).
K.M. Baipakov (Almaty, Kazakhstan). New books on the archeology of Kazakhstan.
Yu.G. Kutimov (St. Petersburg). Series “Osh-3000 and the cultural heritage of the peoples of Kyrgyzstan.”
V.M.Masson (St. Petersburg). Rec. on the book: Prospections archeologiques en Bactriane Orientale. Vol. 2: Lyonnet B. Ceramique peuplent du chalcholithque a la conquete arabe. Paris, 1997; Vol. 3: Gardin J.-C. Description des sites et notes de synthese. Paris, 1998.
V.A. Meshkeris (St. Petersburg). Eastern musical archeology in the German two-volume edition “Studien zur Musikarchaologie”.
B.Ya. Stavisky (Moscow). New books about ancient Central Asia.
A.Ya. Shchetenko (St. Petersburg). Rec. on the book: Soviet archaeological literature: Bibliographic index. 1985—1987 / Compiled by: R.Sh. Levina, L. M. Vseviov. St. Petersburg 1999 539.
List of abbreviations.
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Mikhail Evgenievich Masson (November 21 (December 3) ( 18971203 ) , St. Petersburg - October 2, Tashkent) - Soviet, Uzbek archaeologist and orientalist historian. Honored Scientist of the UzSSR (). Academician of the Academy of Sciences of the Turkmen SSR ().
Biography
Parents: father - Evgeny Ludvigovich Masson, was a descendant of a Russified French aristocrat who moved to Russia during the Jacobin Terror, topographer; mother - Antonina Nikolaevna Shpakovskaya. Mikhail Evgenievich Masson lived with his mother in Samarkand almost from his birth. He studied at the Samarkand men's gymnasium. In 1908–1909 took part in the excavations of the Ulugbek Observatory, which were led by archaeologist V.L. Vyatkin. On June 1, 1912, Vyatkin appointed Masson as head of the excavation site. 
In 1916, Masson graduated from the Samarkand gymnasium (with a gold medal). In 1916 he began studying to become an irrigation engineer. After being called up for military service, he fought on the Southwestern Front, where in 1917 he was elected a member of the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies.
In 1918, M.E. Masson returned to Samarkand. In Samarkand, M.E. Masson worked as the head of the Samarkand Regional Museum, the collection of which, thanks to his activities, was enriched with various exhibits. In 1924, he was transferred to Tashkent to work in the Turkestan (later Uzbek) Committee for Museums and the Protection of Monuments of Antiquity and Art as head of the archaeological department of the Main Central Asian Museum. At this time, he studied at courses at the Turkestan Oriental Institute, and also conducted archaeological research during the restoration of ancient monuments in Central Asia and worked as an instructor in museum affairs in the republics of Central Asia.
From 1929 to 1936, Masson worked on the history of mining at the Geological Committee of Uzbekistan, where he created an extensive geological library. He combined this work with the management of the archaeological sector of the Uzbek Committee for Museums and the Protection of Antiquities and Art Monuments.
Since 1936, Mikhail Evgenievich Masson has been the head of the department of archeology at the Central Asian State University in Tashkent. Since 1940 - university professor.
Mikhail Evgenievich Masson died in Tashkent in 1986. He was buried at the Dombrabod cemetery in Tashkent.
Family
The first wife, Ksenia Ivanovna, committed suicide. Mikhail Evgenievich’s second wife, Galina Anatolyevna Pugachenkova, was a famous Soviet and Uzbek archaeologist, academician of the Academy of Sciences of the Uzbek SSR, and a tireless researcher of Turkestan.
Awards
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Notes
Selected works
- About the construction of the mausoleum of Khoja Ahmed Yassawi in Turkestan // Izv. Central Asian Geographical Society, vol. 19, Tash., 1929;
- Regarding some coin finds registered on the territory of Kazakhstan before 1942 // Bulletin of the Academy of Sciences of the KazSSR, 1948.
Literature and links
An excerpt characterizing Masson, Mikhail Evgenievich
“However, brother, you are angry,” said the count. – Danila said nothing and only smiled shyly, a childishly meek and pleasant smile.The old count went home; Natasha and Petya promised to come right away. The hunt went on, as it was still early. In the middle of the day, the hounds were released into a ravine overgrown with young, dense forest. Nikolai, standing in the stubble, saw all his hunters.
Opposite from Nikolai there were green fields and there stood his hunter, alone in a hole behind a prominent hazel bush. They had just brought in the hounds when Nikolai heard the rare rutting of a dog he knew, Volthorne; other dogs joined him, then falling silent, then starting to chase again. A minute later, a voice was heard from the island calling for a fox, and the whole flock, falling down, drove along the screwdriver, towards the greenery, away from Nikolai.
He saw horse-dwellers in red hats galloping along the edges of an overgrown ravine, he even saw dogs, and every second he expected a fox to appear on the other side, in the greenery.
The hunter standing in the hole moved and released the dogs, and Nikolai saw a red, low, strange fox, which, fluffing its pipe, hurriedly rushed through the greenery. The dogs began to sing to her. As they approached, the fox began to wag in circles between them, making these circles more and more often and circling its fluffy pipe (tail) around itself; and then someone’s white dog flew in, followed by a black one, and everything got mixed up, and the dogs became a star, with their butts apart, slightly hesitating. Two hunters galloped up to the dogs: one in a red hat, the other, a stranger, in a green caftan.
"What it is? thought Nikolai. Where did this hunter come from? This is not my uncle’s.”
The hunters fought off the fox and stood on foot for a long time, without rushing. Near them on chumburs stood horses with their saddles and dogs lay. The hunters waved their hands and did something with the fox. From there the sound of a horn was heard - the agreed signal of a fight.
“It’s the Ilaginsky hunter who is rebelling with our Ivan,” said the eager Nikolai.
Nikolai sent the groom to call his sister and Petya to him and walked at a walk to the place where the riders were collecting the hounds. Several hunters galloped to the scene of the fight.
Nikolai got off his horse and stopped next to the hounds with Natasha and Petya riding up, waiting for information about how the matter would end. A fighting hunter with a fox in torokas rode out from behind the edge of the forest and approached the young master. He took off his hat from afar and tried to speak respectfully; but he was pale, out of breath, and his face was angry. One of his eyes was black, but he probably didn’t know it.
-What did you have there? – Nikolai asked.
- Of course, he will poison from under our hounds! And my mousey bitch caught it. Go and sue! Enough for the fox! I'll give him a ride as a fox. Here she is, in Toroki. Do you want this?...” said the hunter, pointing to the dagger and probably imagining that he was still talking to his enemy.
Nikolai, without talking to the hunter, asked his sister and Petya to wait for him and went to the place where this hostile Ilaginskaya hunt was.
The victorious hunter rode into the crowd of hunters and there, surrounded by sympathetic curious people, told his exploit.
The fact was that Ilagin, with whom the Rostovs were in a quarrel and trial, was hunting in places that, according to custom, belonged to the Rostovs, and now, as if on purpose, he ordered to drive up to the island where the Rostovs were hunting, and allowed him to poison his hunter from under other people’s hounds.
Nikolai never saw Ilagin, but as always, in his judgments and feelings, not knowing the middle, according to rumors about the violence and willfulness of this landowner, he hated him with all his soul and considered him his worst enemy. He now rode towards him, embittered and agitated, tightly clutching the arapnik in his hand, in full readiness for the most decisive and dangerous actions against his enemy.
As soon as he left the ledge of the forest, he saw a fat gentleman in a beaver cap on a beautiful black horse, accompanied by two stirrups, moving towards him.
Instead of an enemy, Nikolai found in Ilagin a personable, courteous gentleman, who especially wanted to get to know the young count. Having approached Rostov, Ilagin lifted his beaver cap and said that he was very sorry for what happened; that he orders to punish the hunter who allowed himself to be poisoned by other people's dogs, asks the count to be acquainted and offers him his places for hunting.
Natasha, afraid that her brother would do something terrible, rode not far behind him in excitement. Seeing that the enemies were bowing in a friendly manner, she drove up to them. Ilagin raised his beaver cap even higher in front of Natasha and, smiling pleasantly, said that the Countess represented Diana both by her passion for hunting and by her beauty, about which he had heard a lot.
Ilagin, in order to make amends for the guilt of his hunter, urgently asked Rostov to go to his eel, which was a mile away, which he kept for himself and in which, according to him, there were hares. Nikolai agreed, and the hunt, having doubled in size, moved on.
It was necessary to walk to the Ilaginsky eel through fields. The hunters straightened out. The gentlemen rode together. Uncle, Rostov, Ilagin secretly glanced at other people's dogs, trying so that others would not notice, and anxiously looked for rivals for their dogs among these dogs.
Rostov was especially struck by her beauty by a small pure-dog, narrow, but with steel muscles, a thin muzzle and bulging black eyes, a red-spotted bitch in Ilagin’s pack. He had heard about the agility of the Ilagin dogs, and in this beautiful bitch he saw his Milka’s rival.
In the middle of a sedate conversation about this year's harvest, which Ilagin started, Nikolai pointed out to him his red-spotted bitch.
- This bitch is good! – he said in a casual tone. - Rezva?
- This? Yes, this is a good dog, it catches,” Ilagin said in an indifferent voice about his red-spotted Erza, for which a year ago he gave his neighbor three families of servants. “So you, Count, don’t boast about threshing?” – he continued the conversation he had started. And considering it polite to repay the young count in kind, Ilagin examined his dogs and chose Milka, who caught his eye with her width.
- This black-spotted one is good - okay! - he said.
“Yes, nothing, he’s jumping,” answered Nikolai. “If only a seasoned hare ran into the field, I would show you what kind of dog this is!” he thought, and turning to the stirrup man said that he would give a ruble to anyone who suspected, that is, found a lying hare.
Vadim Mikhailovich Masson(1929-2010) - Soviet and Russian scientist-archaeologist, Doctor of Historical Sciences, professor, leader (1982-1998).
Scientific works [ | ]
Author and co-author of more than 32 monographs and 500 articles (published in Russia, Great Britain, Germany, Japan, Italy, etc.).
Main works- Ancient agricultural culture of Margiana / USSR Academy of Sciences. IIMK. M.; L.: Publishing House of the USSR Academy of Sciences, 1959-216 pp.: ill. - (MIA. No. 73).
- History of Afghanistan: In 2 volumes. Volume 1. From ancient times to the beginning of the 16th century. / USSR Academy of Sciences. INA. - M.: Nauka, 1964-464 pp.: ill., maps. - Bibliography: p. 383-406. (Together with V. A. Romodin)
- Central Asia and the Ancient East. / USSR Academy of Sciences. LOIA. - L.: Science, 1964-467 pp.: ill., maps.
- History of Afghanistan: In 2 volumes. Volume 2. Afghanistan in modern times / USSR Academy of Sciences. INA. - M.: Nauka, 1965-552 pp.: ill., maps. - Bibliography: p. 479-498.
- Country of a thousand cities. - M.: Nauka, 1966.
- Central Asia in the Age of Stone and Bronze / USSR Academy of Sciences IA. - M.; L.: Nauka, 1966-290 pp.: ill., map. (Together with M. P. Gryaznov, Yu. A. Zadneprovsky. A. M. Mandelstam, A. P. Okladnikov, I. N. Khlopin)
- The emergence and development of agriculture / USSR Academy of Sciences. IA. - M.: Nauka, 1967-232 pp.: illus, maps. - Bibliography: p. 228-231. (Together with A.V. Kiryanov, I.T. Kruglikova).
- Excavations at Altyn-Depe in 1969 / USSR Academy of Sciences. LOIA; Academy of Sciences of the Turkmen SSR. - Ashgabat: Ylym, 1970 - 24 p.: ill. - (YUTAKE Materials; Issue 3). - Res. English - Bibliography: p. 22.
- Settlement of Dzheitun: (The problem of establishing a productive economy) / USSR Academy of Sciences. IA. - L.: Science, 1971-208 pp.: ill. - (MIA; No. 180)
- Karakum: the dawn of civilization / USSR Academy of Sciences. - M.: Nauka, 1972-166 pp.: ill., maps. - (Ser. “From the history of world culture”). (Together with V. I. Sarianidi)
- Central Asian terracotta of the Bronze Age: Experience of classification and interpretation / USSR Academy of Sciences. Department of History IV. - M.: Nauka, 1973-209 pp., 22 l. ill.: ill. - (Culture of the peoples of the East; Materials and research). - Bibliography: p. 196-202. (Together with V. I. Sarianidi)
- Economy and social structure of ancient societies: (In the light of archaeological data) / USSR Academy of Sciences. IA.-L.: Nauka, 1976-192 pp.: ill.
- Altyn-depe / Academy of Sciences of the Turkmen SSR. - L.: Science, 1981-176 pp., 2 p. ill.: ill. - (CHUTAKE; T. 18). - Res. English - Bibliography: p. 166-172.
- Chalcolithic of the USSR / USSR Academy of Sciences. IA. - M.: Nauka, 1982-360 pp.: ill., map. - (Archaeology of the USSR. [Vol. 4]). - Bibliography: p. 334-347. (Together with N. Ya Merpert, R. M. Munchaev. E. K. Chernysh)
- Old Nisa - the residence of the Parthian kings / USSR Academy of Sciences. IA; OOPIC Turkm. - L: Nauka, 1985 - 12 p.: ill.
- First civilizations / USSR Academy of Sciences. LOIA. - L.: Science, 1989-276 with: ill., map. - Res. English - Bibliography: p. 259-271.
- Historical reconstructions in archeology / Academy of Sciences of the Kyrgyz SSR. AI. - Frunze: Ilim, 1990 - 94 p.: ill., map. - Bibliography: p. 90-93.
- Merv is the capital of Margiana. - Mary, 1991 - 73 p.
- Antiquities of Sayanogorsk / RAS. IIMK. - St. Petersburg, 1994 - 23 pp., 2 l. ill. - Res. English (Together with M. N. Pshenitsyna).
- Bukhara in the history of Uzbekistan. - Bukhara, 1995 - 52 p. - Russian, Uzb. - (B-ka from the series “Bukhara and World Culture”).
- Historical reconstructions in archeology: Ed. 2nd, add. / RAS. IIMK; SamarSPU. - Samara, 1996-101 p.: ill. - Bibliography: p. 98-101.
- Paleolithic Society of Eastern Europe: (Issues of paleoeconomics, cultural genesis and sociogenesis) / RAS. IIMK. - St. Petersburg, 1996 - 72 p.: ill. - (Archaeological research; Issue 35). - Bibliography: p. 64-68.
- Institute of the History of Material Culture: (Brief history of the institution, scientific achievements) / RAS. IIMK. - St. Petersburg, 1997 - 40 pp.: 4 l. silt
- Cultural genesis of ancient Central Asia. - St. Petersburg: St. Petersburg State University Publishing House, 2006. - ISBN 978-5-8465-0104-1
n1.doc
ACADEMY OF SCIENCES USSR INSTITUTE OF ARCHEOLOGY Leningrad branchV.M.Masson
FIRST CIVILIZATIONS
LENINGRAD
LENINGRAD BRANCH
The book is dedicated to the ancient civilizations of the Old and New Worlds and is based on the results of new archaeological research in the Middle East, Central Asia, India and China. The formation of the first civilizations is considered as a qualitative milestone in the cultural development of mankind, associated with the era of the formation of class society and the state. Particular attention is paid to the original layer of early agricultural cultures, on the basis of which the development of sociocultural complexes of civilizations took place. Along with characterizing the general patterns of historical development, individual ancient civilizations are considered as (specific phenomena with their inherent features of local specificity. The publication is intended for archaeologists and historians.
Executive editor I. N. KHLOPIN
Reviewers: V.I. KUZISCHIN, K. X. KUSHNAREVA
© Nauka Publishing House, 1989
ISBN 5-02-02724344
INTRODUCTION . 4
PART ONE. FIRST CIVILIZATIONS AND WORLD HISTORY .. 5
.. 6
Chapter 2. STUDYING THE CULTURAL PROCESS BASED ON ARCHEOLOGICAL MATERIALS .. 10
Rice. 1. Types of cultures of the ancient era in Central Asia and the Middle East. 12
Rice. 2. The procedure for scientific analysis in archaeology. 13
Rice. 3. Formation of innovations in the process of cultural genesis. 18
Rice. 4. Composition of a new type from traditional elements in an unconventional combination. Based on the example of materials from Southern Turkmenistan from the Chalcolithic and Bronze Ages. 19
Rice. 5. Cultural traditions using the example of seals from the Bronze Age of Margiana. 20
Table 1. Traditions and innovations in the Anau complexI.A... 21
Figure 6. Types of cultural transformation in Central Asia in ancient times. 22
Chapter 3. EARLY AGRICULTURAL ERA - THE ORIGINS OF CIVILIZATION .. 28
Rice. 7. Chatal Huyuk complex. 31
Stone. 31
painting. 33
Bone. 33
Ceramics. 33
Figurines. 33
Sanctuary. 34
Tree. 34
Rice. 8. Giarmo complex. 36
Terracotta. 36
Bone. 36
Flint. 37
Stone. 37
Ceramics. 38
House.. 38
Rice. 9. Jeitun complex. 40
Table 2. Economic types in the Ancient East inX- VIthousand BC e. 42
Table 3. House-building canon in the Ancient East inVIII- VIthousand BC e. 47
Chapter 4. THE AGE OF THE FIRST CIVILIZATIONS .. 49
Rice. 10. Southern Mesopotamia. Pictographic inscriptions. 50
Rice. 11. Uruk. White Temple. Reconstruction. 54
Rice. 12. Pampa Grande, Peru. Pyramid of Huaca Fortales. 55
Rice. 13. Prisoners of war from the era of the first civilizations. 57
PART 2. ARCHAEOLOGICAL COMPLEXES OF THE ERA OF FORMATION OF THE FIRST CIVILIZATIONS .. 61
Chapter 1. ANCIENT CULTURES OF MESOPOTAMIA .. 61
Rice. 14. Hassoun complex. 63
Rice. 15. Samarra complex. 67
Rice. 16. Tell es-Sawwan. Settlement plan. 68
Rice. 17. Khalaf complex, 73
Ceramics. 73
painting. 73
Decorations. 74
House.. 74
Terracotta. 75
Rice. 18. Ubayd complex. 78
Rice. 19. Uruk complex. 81
Rice. 20. Uruk style cylinder seal. 83
Rice. 21. Plan of Uruk. 83
Rice. 22. Southern Mesopotamia. Stone head.IIIthousand BC e. 85
Rice. 23. Uruk. Stone vase. 86
Chapter 2. ANCIENT CULTURES OF THE EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN AND ASIA MINOR .. 89
Rice. 24. Amuk. ComplexesA- F. 91
Rice. 25. Ghassoul complex. 95
Rice. 26. Khacilar complex. 99
Rice. 27. Troy II. Settlement plan. 102
Rice. 28. Aladzha-Hyuk. Complex of rich tombs. 105
Rice. 29. Aladzha-Hyuk. The pommel of the wand. Bronze. 107
Rice. 30. Aladzha-Hyuk. The pommel of the wand. Bronze. 107
Chapter 3. ANCIENT CULTURES OF IRAN .. 108
Rice. 31. Sialk complexI. 111
Ceramics. 111
Stone. 112
Flint. 112
Copper. 112
Clay. 113
Bone. 113
Rice. 32. Sialk complexIII. 115
Ceramics. 115
Metal. 116
Stamps. 117
Rice. 33. Susa. 121
Cylinder seal impressions. 121
Rice. 34. Ghisar complexIII. 125
Chapter 4. ANCIENT CULTURES OF CENTRAL ASIA .. 133
Rice. 35. Ilgynly-depe. Statuette. 137
Rice. 36. Altyn-depe. Late Eneolithic complex. EndIV-StartIIIthousand BC e. 140
Rice. 37. Altyn-depe. Complex of the Early Bronze Age (NamazgaIV). 147
Rice. 38. Altyn-depe. Complex of the advanced bronze period (NamazgaV). 149
Rice. 39. Altyn-depe. Settlement plan.Numbers - excavation numbers. 151
Rice. 40. Altyn-depe. Stamps. Silver, bronze(1-9). 153
Rice. 41. Altyn-depe. Female figurine. Terracotta. 154
Rice. 42. Altyn-depe. Cult complex. Plan and reconstruction. 159
Rice. 43. Altyn-depe. Bull head(1) and the wolf(2). Gold. 160
Rice. 44. Northern Afghanistan. Figure of a seated woman. Stone. 162
Rice. 45. Types of Bronze Age cultures in Central Asia and the Middle East. 164
Chapter 5. ANCIENT CULTURES OF HINDOSTAN .. 165
Rice. 46. Neolithic complex Mergar. 166
Rice. 47. Mergar. Painted vessel. 171
Rice. 48. Harappan complex. 175
Rice. 49. Mohenjo-daro. Layout of city blocks. 177
Rice. 50. Mohenjo-daro. Plan of the citadel. 179
Rice. 51. Mohenjo-daro. Stamp depicting a ship(a, b). Stone. 183
Rice. 52. Mohenjo-daro. Male torso. Stone. 185
Rice. 53. Mohenjo-daro. Priest statue. Stone. 185
Chapter 6. ANCIENT CULTURES OF CHINA .. 190
Rice. 54. Yangshao complex. 192
Rice. 55. Zhengzhou. Site plan. 198
Rice. 56. Complex of Yin civilization. 203
Rice. 57. Shan-Yin. Vessel in the shape of an elephant. 205
Rice. 58. Anyang. Hieroglyphic text. Tortoiseshell. 205
Chapter 7. ANCIENT CULTURES OF PERU AND MESOAMERICA .. 209
Rice. 59. Huaca Prieta complex. 212
Rice. 60. Mochika. Anthropomorphic vessel. Ceramics. 217
Rice. 61. Mochika. Warrior's head. Cult vessel. Ceramics. 217
Rice. 62. Mochika. Cult vessel. Ceramics. 218
Rice. 63. Mochika. Vessel in the form of a corn deity. Ceramics. 218
Rice. 64. Mochica civilization complex. 219
Rice. 65. Olmec complex. 226
Rice. 66. Olmecs. Stone head. 229
CONCLUSION. 234
SUMMARY.. 235
LITERATURE .. 236
Foreign publications. 242
ABBREVIATION LIST.. 249
INTRODUCTION
Two circumstances are increasingly returning historical science to the origins of social progress, primarily to qualitative milestones in the history of society. The first is more and more new archaeological discoveries in conditions when the romantic knife and shovel are increasingly supported by various methods of technical and natural sciences. As a result, new facets of the creation of human genius in the heritage of past generations are revealed, previously unknown cultures and entire civilizations are discovered. The second is the search for general patterns in the history of society as the most complex form of movement of matter. At the same time, naturally, when groping for general trends, the starting point becomes extremely important, be it the first manifestations of urbanism, radically changing the material and psychological orientation of human groups, or the first environmental stresses of an anthropogenic nature.
One of these important milestones in socio-economic, cultural and intellectual progress is the era of the first civilizations, naturally associated with the first state formations and societies with a complex social structure. Despite all the uniqueness of the individual, a number of general trends can be traced here, allowing us to talk about a special phenomenon - the type of first civilizations as a diachronic phenomenon that stands at the origins of antagonistic socio-economic formations. This position determined the theme of this book.
Among the difficulties standing in the way of research, first of all, is the specific nature of archaeological materials characterizing these distant times. Issues of historical reconstruction based on archaeological data invariably concern the scientific world of the second half of the 20th century. Work in this regard is being carried out in different directions. In the last two decades, archaeologists in the United States have devoted their main attention to the formulation of general sociocultural concepts, superimposed on the material rather than directly arising from it, which is only slightly camouflaged by the use, sometimes somewhat hasty, of computing technology. 1 In the French school, hopes are placed on a refined development of the conceptual grid, streamlining the relationships between the main categories of the conceptual apparatus (Garden, 1983; Galley, 1986), although, as practical experiences in applying this approach show, we are also still at the very beginning of the journey. Meanwhile, the practice of archaeological science leads to the emergence of works that broadly address issues of historical reconstruction in various aspects and taking into account
1 See, for example, the reports of many American scientists at the II Soviet-American Symposium in Samarkand in 1983 (DCV). When exchanging views with American colleagues at a round table in Leningrad, V.S. Bochkarev noted that “American scientists pay great attention to the promotion of ideas as such. In Soviet archaeological science, great importance is attached to the argumentation of the ideas put forward” (Alekshin, Buryakov, 1986, p. 222 ).
A volume of, to varying degrees, proposals developed by different areas of theoretical archaeology. Various kinds of sociological reconstructions, including paleoeconomic and paleodemographic developments using both traditional systems of analysis and a hypothetical-deductive approach, have become quite effective and have become noticeably widespread in practice (Masson, 1976b; Renfrew, 1984). In the USSR, the culturological direction of interpretation of archaeological data has recently developed, based on the specific nature of the archaeological materials, representing a sample of once existing ancient cultural complexes (Masson, 1981a, 1985, 1987). The theoretical studies of Soviet and foreign cultural scientists can be widely used here as a methodological analogue.
The present work was largely written from these positions, in which general outlines of specific archaeological materials are constructed based on their cultural interpretation, starting from the characterization of archaeological complexes themselves as stable combinations of cultural components, expressed in types of objects, to an analysis of the fate of socio-cultural complexes of bygone eras. At the same time, it is archaeological materials that make it possible to actually reproduce, to a certain approximation, the diversity of a specific historical process. A recurring pattern of reproaches directed at Soviet historical science, including archeology, usually involves accusations of deterministic fatalism or straightforward evolutionism. 2 This outdated arsenal can hardly be justified by a language barrier, which cannot be a serious scientific argument. The concrete historical approach, developed by Soviet historical science at the present stage, implies an organic study of the dialectical unity of the general and the particular, general laws-trends and the diversity of their specific forms, the complexity of the real destinies of individual peoples and civilizations with backward movements, decline and disintegration while ascending in a spiral world progress. The author sought to demonstrate these phenomena using specific materials in this book. Despite the significant concentration of material on the chosen topic, this work is by no means a compendium-reference book on all civilizations of the Old and New Worlds. The unique path of development of ancient Egyptian civilization was left aside, where, however, the formative era has been poorly studied at the level of modern developments, in particular, due to a certain paucity of specific materials, especially from settlements. The Cretan-Mycenaean civilization is also not affected, the originality of which allows us to raise the question of the presence of a special, specific path of development within the framework of the general patterns inherent in the era of the first civilizations (Masson, 1974; 1981a, pp. 127-128). For the main territory of Europe, with significant successes of agricultural and pastoral societies of the paleometal era, which in some cases reached a significant concentration of power and the creation of prestigious buildings from Stonehenge to Maltese temples, civilization as a stable multi-component socio-cultural complex was formed almost during the Iron Age with the widespread use of cultural standards of the Greek the Roman world as standards of that era. Of course, the use of these and other data will make it possible to expand the limits of the specific uniqueness of the historical process, the general patterns of which, it seems, stand out quite clearly from the material used.
2 Thus, in one of the American summaries on the theory and methodology of archeology, it is precisely the reproach for adherence to unilinear evolution that is contained in the only two phrases dedicated to Soviet archaeological science (Sharer, Ashmore, 1980, p. 509-510).
PART ONE.FIRST CIVILIZATIONS AND WORLD HISTORY
Chapter 1. THE CONCEPT OF “CIVILIZATION”. ITS DEFINITION AND CHARACTERISTIC FEATURES
The concept of “civilization,” which has recently found increasing use, is associated in one of its aspects with the designation of a qualitative milestone in the history of mankind. Humanity itself also gradually approached the awareness of the existence of such a frontier, not to mention its designation. Mythological thinking, especially in the period lying at the crossroads of various socio-economic systems, when the rule of law of primitive democracy, dear to the community’s heart, was collapsing, is characterized by the desire to present the development of mankind as a kind of descent from better to worse. The most striking in this regard is the construction of Hesiod, according to which the entire history of mankind is divided into five centuries - the most ancient, golden, which was then successively replaced by centuries of silver, copper, heroic and iron. According to Hesiod, this was a kind of evolution with the opposite sign, when people gradually became morally corrupted, corrupted and became worse and worse. With the development of the scientistic thinking of Hellas, this pessimistic retrospection is replaced by systems built on the principle of direct evolution. A similar view of the natural development of humanity was already set forth by Aeschylus in “Prometheus Bound,” although his concept there was given a poeticized and, to a certain extent, mythological form. In this case, the traditional concept of historical and cultural development is saturated with philosophical content, and at the same time, the creator of decisive changes is a cultural hero, divine in origin. Here the path of development is traced from primitive primitivism to the crafts and sciences that Prometheus taught to the human race (Vitz, 1979, pp. 112 - 113). The same causal complex of human evolution is presented in Plato
The term “civilization” became widespread in the 60s and 70s. and was already included in the first edition of Dahl’s dictionary (Budagov, 1971, p. 130). In general, in the 19th century. the concept of “civilization” was used to designate the human community, closely related to the term “culture”. The entire human global culture was perceived as a single civilization. But with the successes of historical science, it became increasingly clear that civilization was formed only at a certain stage in the development of mankind, representing a qualitative milestone on the evolutionary path, reconstructed in general terms by the thinkers of ancient times. A particularly important role was played by the study of numerous tribes of America, Australia and Africa, which preserved archaic cultural complexes. As a result, the term “civilization” was used to divide the cultural-historical process, and in L. Morgan’s scheme, civilization closes a long chain of stages in the development of primitive society (Morgan, 1877; Morgan, 1935). The deep socio-economic prerequisites for the formation of civilization were revealed by F. Engels in his work “The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State,” where he emphasizes that “civilization is the period of mastery of further processing of natural products, the period of industry in the proper sense of the word and art” (Marx, Engels, vol. 21, p. 33). F. Engels also noted such an important sign of civilization as writing. At the same time, in the course of analyzing the very process of the emergence of civilization, F. Engels reveals its close connection with the development of antagonistic classes, the formation of the state, and the emergence of cities and merchants. These ideas of creative Marxism have had a profound impact on historical scholarship, although many Western researchers who have experienced their beneficial influence, directly or indirectly, often do not think about the source of this theoretical impulse. Soviet scientists paid considerable attention to the analysis of the concept of “civilization” (Khalipov, 1972; Mchedlov, 1978; Markaryan, 1962). At the same time, civilization is understood as a certain stage of social history, a long period in the development of individual peoples and the world as a whole (Davidovich, Zhdanov, 1979, p. 53). In Soviet science, the prevailing point of view is that civilization should be understood as a socio-cultural complex or socio-cultural communities that are formed at a certain stage of development of society and take specific forms in different historical eras. The last circumstance is of fundamental importance for a correct understanding of the general patterns of development of world history, passing through a series of successive formation stages. The classics of Marxism-Leninism used the concepts of “ancient civilization” and “bourgeois civilization”; a number of works by Soviet authors are devoted to the problem of communist civilization (Mchedlov, 1976). This historical approach, the identification of epochal types of civilizations (slave-owning type of civilizations, etc.) is the fundamental position of Soviet researchers and is fundamentally different from the relativistic constructions of many Western scientists. An extreme manifestation of such constructions is the views of A. Toynbee, who views civilizations as a special, supra-epochal phenomenon, developing according to its internal laws and epistemologically based in this case on the hypertrophy of real phenomena and the denial of general laws (Mylnikov, 1979, p. 65). As a result, world history is characterized as a mosaic panel composed by the multilinear development of sovereign cultures, located nearby and coexisting, and not perceived as a division of the world sociocultural continuum (Davidovich, Zhdanov, 1979, p. 168).
At the same time, for the current state of historical science, it is very indicative of the presence of a tendency towards an objective assessment of the nuclear essence
Civilizations in relation to the era of their emergence. Thus, R. Adams in his works consistently connects civilization with class society, with a system of political and social hierarchy, complemented by administration and territorial division, with the organization of the state, as well as with the division of labor leading to the allocation of crafts (Adams, 1966). In a book devoted to the Aegean civilization, K. Renfrew, when characterizing the very concept of “civilization,” also attaches particular importance to social stratification and division of labor (Renfrew, 1972, p. 7). K. Flannery speaks even more clearly on this matter, according to his formulation, civilization is a complex of cultural phenomena associated with such a form of socio-political organization as the state (Flannery, 1972, p. 400). True, at the same time there is also a tendency to use the concept “civilization” for a number of diverse and diverse phenomena. As a result, “civilizations of shepherds” appear in the literature; researchers of ancient Africa write about the “civilization of the bow,” the “civilization of the forest,” the “civilization of the spear,” and along with this, the “civilization of cities” (Make, 1974). As D. A. Olderogge rightly noted, in this case the concept of “civilization” is almost unambiguous to the concept of “cultural and economic type” used by Soviet ethnography (Olderogge, 1974, p. 152). Often, common word usage turns out to be a tribute to fashion, representing more of a journalistic than a scientific desire to use a bright and catchy term.
In this work, civilization will be examined at the very first stage of its development, when its components were born in an archaic environment and, gradually crystallizing, gave a qualitatively new character to the entire system as a whole. Studied, especially at the formative stage, largely based on archeological materials, the external appearance of civilizations is clearly characterized by the objective world of culture. Essentially, the main parameters of civilization as a socio-economic system are characterized in the mentioned study by F. Engels. As noted by Yu. V. Kachanovsky, from the description of F. Engels it is clear that for ancient civilizations we can talk about a whole range of indicators (Kachanovsky, 1971, p. 249). In the field of economics, this is the improvement of food production, the development of industry, the strengthening of the social division of labor up to the opposition between city and countryside, the emergence of professional merchants and money. In the socio-political sphere we are talking about the presence of antagonistic classes, the state, inheritance of land ownership and, finally, in the cultural sphere - about writing and art. Essentially, these features were developed and supplemented by G. Child, who made extensive use of new archaeological discoveries unknown to the founders of Marxism-Leninism. This list is well known and is repeated many times in the works of many researchers (Childe, 1950; Vasiliev, 1976, p. 3). The ten signs of civilization proposed by G. Child include cities, monumental public buildings, taxes or tribute, an intensive economy, including trade, the allocation of specialist artisans, writing and the beginnings of science, developed art, privileged classes and the state. It can be easily seen that in this list the primary signs of a socio-economic nature directly go back to Engels’ concept. At the same time, G. Child, on the basis of archaeological discoveries, correctly noted that the constant companions of the first civilizations were monumental buildings - religious, secular or funerary. During a discussion on ancient cities that took place in Chicago in 1958, one of the speakers, K. Kluckholm, proposed reducing G. Child’s list to three features - monumental architecture, cities and writing (City invisible, 1960, p. 397; Daniel, 1968, p. 25). These three signs are connected
These are a whole system of cause-and-effect relationships with social and political processes occurring in society, forming the visible tip of a huge iceberg of the culture of the first civilizations. This triad expressively characterizes civilization primarily as a cultural complex, while the socio-economic essence of this phenomenon is the emergence of a class society and the state.
Let us dwell briefly on the general characteristics of the triad. Monuments of monumental architecture are not only very impressive in appearance, but also very indicative from the point of view of the production potential of the societies that created them. They seem to realize the surplus product obtained by a given economic system, reflecting the organized level of society that skillfully uses simple cooperation. It is the volume of labor invested that separates the first temples from ordinary community sanctuaries, for the construction of which the efforts of several, or even one small family, were sufficient. Researchers have made approximate estimates of the labor spent on the construction of monumental buildings of the first civilizations. Thus, the Olmec temple center of La Venta in Mesoamerica is located on an island, the territory of which could support only 30 families under the then existing system of slash-and-burn agriculture. However, the labor costs for the construction of the entire complex are estimated by American researchers at 18,000 man-days. It is absolutely clear that La Venta is the cult center of an entire union of communities located in the surrounding rather large territory (Drucker, Heizer, 1960, p. 36-45). It should be borne in mind that the Olmec culture is still an early, formative period of Mesoamerican civilization (see below, p. 247). Then labor costs for monumental structures increase many times over. According to one estimate, the construction of the White Temple in Sumerian Uruk required the continuous labor of 1,500 people over five years (Child, 1956, p. 206). According to Chinese researchers, the construction of a powerful fortress wall in Zhengzhou required the labor of at least 10,000 people over 18 years (Chang Kwang-Chin, 1971, p. 205). And Zhengzhou, like the Olmec complexes, is just a formative period of civilization, in this case ancient Chinese (see below, p. 217). Such were the enormous production capabilities of the first civilizations, and it is not surprising that monumental structures are one of the bright, marking signs of their very existence.
The advent of writing was extremely important. Its creation was by no means the result of abstract speculative combinations, but an urgent need of a society entering a new phase of its development. For a hunting or even early agricultural community, the amount of information to be transmitted to maintain the stability of the economy and culture was relatively small. This amount of knowledge could be communicated by priests or shamans orally when familiarizing themselves with the spiritual heritage of their ancestors or when teaching young people during initiations. The complex social and economic system that the first civilizations represented led to a sudden increase in a wide variety of information. Already the accounting of products and the organization of systematic agricultural work required clear regulation. The creation of a semblance of a unified system of religious views, replacing and including the local cults of various tribal centers, also needed codification and firm fixation. These factors are directly reflected in the content of the first written documents. The oldest proto-Sumerian tablets from Uruk are detailed accounting cards, where literally everything is recorded: the size of land plots, issued tools, the composition of herds and much more. Close in content
I remember the tablets of the Knossos and Pylos palaces, where accounting records were kept from year to year on the number of people in work teams, on the volume of products made by artisans. Yin fortune-telling inscriptions reflect the moment of cult actions, but ultimately they are often aimed at real economic, political and social events. So, in one of the inscriptions we read: “Will three thousand people be involved in field work?”, in another: “Will the community (such and such) reap the harvest in sufficient quantities?” (History of the Ancient World, 1982, p. 158). It should be borne in mind that ritual actions, including requests to the celestials, in full accordance with traditions coming from the depths of the primitive era, were considered as an integral and necessary part of the labor process itself. It is not without reason that among the same ancient Chinese texts we find the following: “Wang ordered many Qiang (community members) to perform fertility rites in the fields” (History of the Ancient World, 1982, p. 159). Finally, Mayan steles with calendar inscriptions, along with cult and prestige, were of great importance in planning agricultural work cycles.
In social terms, the introduction of writing was an important phenomenon that went beyond another specific feature of the first civilizations of the era - the separation of mental labor from physical labor. This was the logical conclusion of production specialization, the increase of which marked the final stages of the primitive era. It was this division that allowed society, taken as a whole, to concentrate the efforts of individual groups on the development of art and various forms of positive knowledge. Aristotle also noted that mathematical knowledge developed primarily in the region of Egypt, because there the priestly class was given time for leisure.
The emergence of writing, which in its first manifestations was a very complex system, led to the emergence of a new profession - scribes, whose training in special schools also provided the beginnings of positive knowledge. During their upbringing, the worldview and social psychology of this group were formed, in particular through all kinds of praise for their chosen profession. Thus, in one of the Sumerian texts the following teaching is addressed to a careless student:
The work of scribes, my brothers, is not to your liking!
But they bring nine gurus of grain!
Young people! Any one of them brings ten gurs of grain to his father,
He brings him grain, wool, oil, and sheep!
How we respect such a person!
Next to him you are not a person!
Poetry and prose. . ., 1973, With. 140.
In this case, both the form and the argumentation are very indicative of the pragmatic psychology of the Sumerian civilization - the emphasis is on the mercantile side of the matter, even on direct material benefits. From other positions, the importance of the scribe profession in ancient Egypt is affirmed:
Doors and houses were built, but they were destroyed,
The funeral priests have disappeared,
Their monuments are covered with dirt,
Their tombs are forgotten.
But their names are pronounced while reading these books,
Written while they lived
And the memory of who wrote them,
Become a scribe, put it in your heart
So that your name becomes the same.
A book is better than a painted tombstone
And stronger than the walls.
Poetry and prose. . ., 1973, p. 103.
Here, to substantiate the significance of the scribe's profession, an ethical and philosophical imperative is proposed; the conviction comes from the position of spiritual values.
Both monumental architecture and writing did not exist in a vacuum. Temples and palaces usually adorned urban centers; educated personnel of the first civilizations were also concentrated in cities. Almost the entire huge number of monuments of Yin writing, for example, come from the capital Anyang, while in other, ordinary settlements such finds are rare. Here we come to the third important feature of the first civilizations - the development of urban-type settlements. It is not without reason, as we have seen, that the very etymology of the concept “civilization” goes back to the civil, urban community. It is in cities that the process of accumulation of wealth and social differentiation takes place especially intensively; centers of economic and ideological leadership are located here; specialized handicraft production is concentrated in cities; the role of exchange and trade increases, while small villages of rural communities, as a rule, remain closed to the system of self-sufficiency. of its members, formed in the depths of the primitive era. Recently, much attention has been paid to the study of ancient cities and urbanization processes in ancient societies (Adams, Nissen, 1972; MSU; Dyakonov, 1973; Ancient cities, 1977; Gulyaev, 1979). The author of these lines had to address this issue more than once (Masson, 1979c, 1981a; Masson, 1981b).
The city was an institution that arose in the depths of primitive society and symbolized the onset of a new era. It was this circumstance that F. Engels emphasized when he wrote: “It is not without reason that formidable walls rise around new fortified cities: in their ditches the grave of the tribal system yawns, and their towers already reach civilization” (Marx, Engels, vol. 21, p. 164). Cities were large population centers that performed specific functions in the social system. The question of the quantitative parameters of urban-type settlements is closely related to the demographic indicators that have developed in various economic systems. Under the conditions of irrigated agriculture in the Ancient East, the concentration of population was very high, and the criterion proposed by G. Child is quite applicable here, according to which settlements with more than 5,000 inhabitants can be considered cities. In other regions these parameters look different. To a certain extent, this applies to such a feature of urban centers as building density. In particular, in the New World, along with urban centers with continuous buildings, there are dispersed settlements (Gulyaev, 1979, p. 108 et seq.). The significance of ancient cities was determined by their functions. First of all, they served as the center of the agricultural district, the center of crafts and trade, as well as the role of a kind of ideological leader. It was in the cities that the main temples of the country were located, and often the presence of a cultural center was one of the important incentives for the formation of an urban-type settlement in a given place. Another feature of the external appearance of ancient cities is connected with this function - the presence of high-rise buildings. Monumental temple complexes defined the architectural silhouette of the ancient cities of Mesopotamia. Functionally similar to the ancient eastern cities are the palace centers of the Cretan-Mycenaean society. The dispersed development of many ancient centers of Mesoamerica cannot hide their purely urban functions.
The cultural complex of the first civilizations was a complex organism in which all the main elements, including ideological ones, actively interacted. The importance of ideology and social psychology of ancient societies is often underestimated both in general developments and in specific analysis, which sometimes, wittingly or unwittingly, focuses primarily on socio-economic determinism. Studying the real role
And the importance of such a powerful force as ideology is given unjustifiably little attention. Meanwhile, ideology, being formed under the influence of economic and social factors, has a certain independence in relation to the basis that created it. As F. Engels noted, “. . “We see that, once a religion has arisen, it always retains a certain stock of ideas inherited from previous times, since in all general areas of ideology tradition is a great conservative force” (Marx, Engels, vol. 21, p. 315). The transition to civilization was also associated with significant changes in the field of ideology, when new ideological canons were formed, usually clothed in religious forms. It was during the time of the first civilizations that the ideological sphere, systematized and centralized, became a truly enormous force. The means of ideological influence were aimed at justifying and maintaining the new legal order established on earth. Thus, magnificent funeral rites and grandiose royal burials were objectively a way of ideological influence on ordinary community members, affirming in the minds and feelings the idea of the greatness of the power of the ruler, towering above his subjects. Corresponding changes occur in traditional mythological schemes. The creation narratives strongly emphasize that people, who owe their existence to the creator gods, must work diligently in the name of these gods who brought order to the world.
The significance of ancient civilizations as cultural systems, an important feature of which is the above-mentioned triad, forces us to specifically turn to the issues of studying the process of cultural genesis based on archaeological materials, which form the main body of sources for the study of this era.