For secret defensive alliances (-):
Bavaria
Baden
Württemberg
Hesse-Darmstadt
Francois Achille Bazin
Patrice de MacMahon
Helmut Carl Bernhard von Moltke (The Elder)
139,000 dead and 143,000 wounded
52,313 dead and 89,732 injured
Franco-Prussian War- - military conflict between the empire of Napoleon III and Prussia, which was seeking European hegemony. The war, provoked by the Prussian Chancellor O. Bismarck and formally started by Napoleon III, ended with the defeat and collapse of the French Empire, as a result of which Prussia managed to transform the North German Confederation into a unified German Empire.
Background to the conflict
Main article: Luxembourg question
The most important thing in this passage is the instruction to “limit the size of military operations.” It belonged to Austria and kept her from intervening in the war on the side of France.
Italy and the Franco-Prussian War
During the Franco-Prussian War, France, Austria-Hungary and Prussia tried to win Italy over to their side. But neither country was successful. France still held Rome and had a garrison in that city. The Italians wanted to unite their country, including Rome, but France did not allow this. France did not intend to withdraw its garrison from Rome, thereby losing a possible ally. Prussia feared that Italy might start a war with France, and tried in every possible way to achieve Italian neutrality in the outbreak of the war. Fearing the strengthening of Italy, Bismarck himself personally wrote to the King of Italy, Victor Emmanuel, asking him not to interfere in the war with France. On the Austrian side, although there were proposals for an alliance against Prussia, they did not have the same effect as Bismarck's words. The Prussian Chancellor managed to achieve neutrality from Italy in this war.
Austria-Hungary and the Franco-Prussian War
German artillerymen near Paris.
Comparative characteristics of the Prussian Dreyse rifle and the French Chassepot
| Weapon | A country | Year of issue | Years of use | Length | Weight | Weight (charged) | Caliber | Rifling | Magazine capacity | Rate of fire | Initial bullet speed | Sighting range | Muzzle energy of a bullet |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Dreyse rifle, model 1849 | Prussia | - | 1422 mm | 4.1 kg | 4.7 kg | 15.43 mm | 4 right | manual chuck feed | 10 rounds per minute | 295 m/s | 600 m | 850-950 joules | |
| Chassepot rifle, model 66 | France | - | 1314 mm | 3.7 kg | 4.6 kg | 11.43 mm | 4 right | manual chuck feed | N/A | 405 m/s | 1200 m | 1100-1200 joules |
The Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871 was a military conflict between the empire of Napoleon III and the German states led by Prussia, which was seeking European hegemony. The war, provoked by the Prussian Chancellor O. Bismarck and formally started by Napoleon III, ended in the defeat and collapse of France, as a result of which Prussia was able to transform the North German Confederation into a unified German Empire. Causes of the war
1. Rivalry between France and Prussia for hegemony (i.e. dominance) in Europe.
2. The desire of the ruling circles of France to overcome the internal crisis of the Second Empire through war.
3. Prussia’s firm intention to complete the unification of all German lands under its rule, to annex the southern German lands to the North German Confederation
Reason for war
Succession dispute in Spain
In the summer of 1870, a dispute arose between the French Emperor and Bismarck over which of their proteges would receive the Spanish crown. A relative of William I received an offer to take the Spanish throne, but the French government opposed it. Wilhelm I was peaceful, but Bismarck was not happy with this. And when the German king sent a telegram to Napoleon III, Bismarck intercepted it and corrected the text, adding offensive facts. The telegram was sent to newspapers for publication. The French took this message as an insult. And they declared war on Prussia on July 19, 1870
The first battles turned into bitter defeat for France. Prussia began an offensive war, and France was forced to defend itself. The real disaster occurred on September 1, 1870 at Sedan. The French lost the battle, and the remnants of the army took refuge in the Sedan fortress. The Germans occupied all the heights around Sedan, their artillery smashed the encircled troops. The French troops fought bravely, but were unable to get through. On September 2, 1870, Napoleon III ordered the raising of the white flag. The second empire in France ceased to exist. By the end of the year, Prussian troops managed to advance deep into France, take the Metz fortress and completely blockade Paris. A peace treaty was signed.
Results
1. On January 18, 1871, the creation of the German Empire was proclaimed at Versailles as part of the North German Confederation and the southern German states. The reunification of Germany was completed.
2. The reunification of Italy ended. France withdrew its troops from Rome, the Roman region became part of Italy. Rome became the capital of the Kingdom of Italy.
3. The provinces of Alsace and Lorraine passed to Germany.
4. France pledged to pay an indemnity of 5 billion francs in gold.
Consequences of the war for France Napoleon lost his crown and was replaced by Adolphe Thiers. He became the first president of the Third Republic, which was proclaimed after the Paris Commune. During the war, France lost 1,835 field guns, 5,373 fortress guns, and more than 600,000 guns. The human losses were enormous: 756,414 soldiers (of which almost half a million were prisoners), 300,000 civilians killed (in total, France lost 590,000 civilians, including demographic losses). According to the Peace of Frankfurt, the former empire was inferior to Germany to Alsace and Lorraine (1,597,000 inhabitants, or 4.3% of its population). 20% of all mining and metallurgical reserves of France were concentrated in these areas.
Consequences of the war for France Even after the conclusion of peace, there were 633,346 German soldiers in France (569,875 infantry and 63,471 cavalry) with 1,742 guns. At any moment, at least 250,000 more soldiers could be called up from Germany, which would give the Germans a huge numerical advantage over an already defeated enemy. The French army had only eight corps, which is approximately 400,000 soldiers. But of these, no more than 250,000 were actually in service; the rest, according to the Germans, were listed only on paper. Proclamation of the German Empire at Versailles. Bismarck (in white at the center of the picture) wanted to unite the warring German principalities to achieve the creation of a conservative, Prussian-dominated German state. He embodied this in three military victories: the Second War of Schleswig against Denmark in 1864, the Austro-Prussian-Italian War against Austria in 1866, and the Franco-Prussian War against France in 1870-1871.
Consequences of the war for Prussia On January 18, 1871, at Versailles, Bismarck and Wilhelm I announced the creation of the German Empire. Bismarck's dream came true - he created a unified German state. States that were not part of the North German Confederation - Saxony and other southern German countries - quickly joined the Empire. Austria did not become part of Germany. The five billion francs that the French paid to the Germans as indemnities provided a solid foundation for the German economy. Bismarck became Germany's second man, but this is only formally. In fact, the prime minister was practically the sole ruler, and William I was not persistent and greedy for power. Thus, a new powerful power appeared on the continent - the German Empire, whose territory was 540,857 km², population 41,058,000 people, and an army of almost 1 million soldiers.
The Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871 is of key importance for understanding the processes that took place in world politics in the second half of the 19th century. It is especially important for understanding Russian foreign policy. That is why this is one of those events that must be carefully studied in order to understand the cause-and-effect relationships of history during this period. In this article we will talk briefly about this war.
Background and reasons
France and Prussia are countries that constantly competed on the European continent. Their path to a unified statehood was not easy: both of them went through difficult times of revolution and uncertainty, and in fact both unleashed international conflicts on a global scale.
By the second half of the 19th century, the contradictions between France and Prussia intensified. Their peculiarity was that they were contained in the internal politics of both states. In France, since 1851, Napoleon III ruled, around whom a ruling clique formed from the richest and most influential bourgeoisie and aristocracy. For 20 years, this clique “drank” the blood of the common people, as a result of which the poor became poorer and the rich, of course, became richer.
Finally, two decades of wild life did not benefit the people: the people began to actively show their discontent. Workers began to organize strikes more often, and the peasantry actively joined in. As a result, Napoleon III decided to “settle down” the matter with the help of a “small and victorious war” (the expression belongs to V.K. Plehve, the Russian Minister of Internal Affairs in 1902 - 1904) with Prussia. Napoleon wanted to kill two birds with one stone: to calm the angry people (look how good we are, we kicked the Germans), and also to prevent the German lands from uniting into one state, which, of course, would prevent France from being a world and colonial power on the continent.
Prussia had its own interests. Or rather, German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck, a brilliant politician of his time, had his own interests. In fact, the German lands were under the crown of the weak-willed and weak-willed King William the First. And Bismarck needed to unite the scattered German lands into one state. Victory over France would allow this to be done in one fell swoop, bypassing the king. Thus, both countries deliberately went to war.
Briefly about the balance of power. England was inclined to support Prussia in order to contrast it with the colonial ambitions of France on the continent. Russia also supported Prussia because it had a grudge against France for the shameful peace of 1856, which it concluded as a result of the shameful Crimean (Eastern) War.
Spark
The reason for the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871 was an event called the “Ems Dispatch”. The fact was that in 1868 the vacant Spanish throne became vacant, and the Spaniards wanted to place there a representative of Germany, Prince Anton of Hohenzollern. Of course, France was against such a development. The French ambassador Benedetti became so insolent that he personally appeared to King William several times and asked him to give first a verbal promise that this would not happen, and then a written one.
The German king outlined all this in a dispatch and, not knowing what to do, sent the dispatch to Otto von Bismarck. Bismarck, having lunch with his colleagues: General Helmuth von Moltke and War Minister von Roon, received the dispatch and read it aloud. Then he asked his colleagues whether the German army was ready to defend the Fatherland? They told him that yes, she was definitely ready. As a result, Bismarck retired to a room, crossed out the middle of the dispatch and published it in the press.
It turned out that France was fussing about something and currying favor with the German king, asking her not to place Anton Hohenzollern on the throne. Napoleon took this as an insult and declared war on Germany on July 19, 1870
Course of events
If France had only ambitions and an unstable rear like a raging mass of people behind it, then Germany had an excellent new army, which was staffed according to the latest conscription training system at that time. As a result, while France was fussing with collecting troops, Germany mobilized its army and put it into action. As a result, the German army easily pushed the French army back to the city of Metz and besieged the city. This is how this war began.
Napoleon III handed over command of the army to his general. But this did not help. On September 2, 1870, at the Battle of Sedan, near Metz, the French army raised a white flag, which meant complete surrender. Thus, in less than a month, the war was actually won by Germany.
On September 4, 1870, another revolution broke out in Paris, as a result of which Napoleon III was deposed and power passed to the Government of National Defense. Meanwhile, this government was headed by the same bourgeois who rightly feared that the workers' and peasants' army, after repelling its enemies, would turn its arms against its oppressors. And so this government secretly colluded with Germany. As a result, it began to be referred to as the “government of national treason.”
Results
On May 10, 1871, in Frankfurt, France signed an extremely difficult peace with Germany, according to which the disputed border territories of Alsace and eastern Lorraine were ceded to the latter, plus the French paid a huge indemnity of five million francs. For example, in Paris at that time, for 2 francs you could buy an excellent dinner with wine in the most expensive restaurant in the city.
Consequences
The German army helped suppress the popular revolution: on May 28, 1871, the Paris Commune was defeated. France lost 140 thousand people killed in this war, Prussia - 50 thousand.
The consequence of this war was the unification of Germany into one state: on January 18, 1871, King Wilhelm became emperor.
Russia also took advantage of this defeat of France and unilaterally denounced the shameful articles of the Paris Peace Treaty of 1856, according to which it had no right to have a fleet in the Black Sea. For this purpose, Russian Foreign Minister A.M. Gorchakov sent a dispatch. By the way, you can watch her live follow this link.
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Alignment of forces on the eve of the war. An important milestone in the history of Western Europe was the war between France and Germany. It is usually considered the beginning of the second stage of a new history. This war was generated by deep contradictions between Germany and France. For many years this war was called the Franco-Prussian war, although not only Prussia fought against France, but almost all German states, united by Prussian Prime Minister Otto von Bismarck into the North German Confederation. Only four German states - Baden, Bavaria, Württemberg and Hesse-Darmstadt - fought in alliance with France, since they were closely connected with it economically and religiously (belonging to Catholicism - a common confession).
Having created the North German Confederation of fourteen North German principalities, three free cities and the kingdom of Saxony, the “Iron Chancellor,” Prussian Prime Minister Otto von Bismarck sought to complete the process of unifying Germany “with iron and blood” under the leadership of the Prussian Junkers through a new dynastic war. The leaders of the North German Confederation believed that it was impossible to complete the unification of the German states without a military victory over France. In 1871, the military treaties concluded between the German states were expiring, so the war with France should have started as early as possible. The majority of the population of the North German Confederation supported the final unification of Germany and advocated a declaration of war on France. The Reichstag easily and quickly passed a law to increase the army (its strength was to be one percent of the total population). After the Austro-Prussian War of 1866, Bismarck considered war with France inevitable and was looking only for a favorable reason, a pretext for starting a war with France. In case of victory, he expected to achieve the main goal of the war: to capture Alsace and Lorraine from France. The army of the North German Confederation, under the leadership of Prussian generals, carefully prepared for the upcoming war. Already in 1868, the chief of the German general staff, Moltke, developed a plan for war against France. By 1870, Prussian troops were concentrated near the borders of France.
France wanted to go to war with Prussia as early as the Austro-Prussian War of 1866. But the quick end to hostilities played into the hands of Prussian Prime Minister Otto von Bismarck and delayed the inevitable outbreak of war between France and Prussia for several years. Beginning in 1866, Emperor Napoleon III was looking for an ally, conducting unsuccessful negotiations with Austria and trying to find ways to conclude an alliance with Russia. The French Emperor Napoleon III treated Prussia arrogantly; he considered the North German Confederation a weak opponent. The Second Empire in France was experiencing a deep systemic crisis; within the country, large sections of the population were dissatisfied with the regime of Napoleon III. The Emperor of France sought to strengthen his shaky prestige through foreign policy adventures. He sought to attack Prussia even before Bismarck had united all of Germany, to seize the left bank of the Rhine and prevent the unification of Germany.
The Junkers and major military industrialists of Prussia, for their part, also sought war. They hoped, by defeating France, to weaken it and capture the iron-rich and strategically important French provinces of Alsace and Lorraine. Otto von Bismarck already since 1866 considered war with France inevitable and was looking only for a convenient reason to declare it. Bismarck wanted France, not Prussia, to be the aggressor and start the war first. In this case, the war would inevitably give rise to a nationwide movement in the German states to accelerate the complete unification of Germany. Then Bismarck could easily gain the support of the last German states not aligned with the North German Confederation (Bavaria, Württemberg, Hesse and Baden). In this case, the war with France could be presented as an aggression against the North German Confederation and act as a defender of the German states from the aggressive French. Bismarck's next step would be to transform the North German Confederation into a more powerful, unified and centralized state - the German Empire under the leadership of Prussia.
War between Prussia and France became inevitable. Both Napoleon III and Bismarck - both leaders were looking only for a convenient reason to start it. The international situation continued to be favorable for Prussia. The competitive struggle between France and England for colonies forced the English government to consider Prussia as a counterweight to France. Russia wanted to use France's difficulties in Europe to achieve the elimination of the humiliating Treaty of Paris, which prohibited Russia from building fortresses and having a navy in the Black Sea. These conditions were imposed by France on Russia, which lost the Crimean War, under the terms of the Paris Peace Treaty (concluded on March 18, 1856). Italy wanted the weakening of France, since the policies of Napoleon III were now preventing the completion of the unification of Italy. Napoleon III always prevented the inclusion of the Papal States into the Italian state. The French Emperor Napoleon III patronized the Pope and did not allow the liquidation of the Papal States. The Austrian-Hungarian government was hostile towards Prussia. But it was afraid of the threat of war on two fronts: both against Prussia and against Italy. Austria-Hungary did not support the alliance against Prussia proposed to it by Napoleon III in 1867.
All European powers did not want to allow the unification of Germany; they did not want the emergence of a new, strong German state in Europe. Then they did not even imagine that the main result of the Franco-Prussian (Franco-German) war would be the creation of the German Empire. The governments of European countries hoped that in the course of a joint war, both Prussia and France would economically and politically exhaust and weaken each other. The European powers were inclined to favor a favorable outcome of the war for France; France's success seemed increasingly likely and predictable. Therefore, they treated Prussia more favorably in order to prevent France from strengthening at its expense.
France did not have to count on help from any other European powers. Great Britain could not forgive France for its penetration into China, Indochina, Syria, New Caledonia - zones of British colonial interests and considered France as a rival in the struggle for the redivision of the world. After the defeat in the Crimean War, Russia became closer to Prussia and could not be an ally of France. But French Minister of War Leboeuf assured that the country was completely ready for war, right down to the last button on the leggings of the last French soldier. Only a small group of Republicans, led by Louis Adolphe Thiers, did not support the declaration of war, while the entire French public was in favor of war. In fact, France turned out to be unprepared for war: the fortifications were not completed, the roads had not been repaired for a long time, mobilization was carried out in an unorganized manner, and supply trains were always late. There were not enough hospitals, doctors, and dressing materials. The soldiers and officers had a vague idea of the goals of the war, and the General Staff did not take care to properly provide operational maps of military operations. There were no developed military action plans.
Soon Bismarck had a convenient occasion to declare war in connection with the question of the monarch's candidacy for the vacant royal throne in Spain. The Prussian prince Leopold of Hohenzollern was proposed by the Spanish government to fill the vacant throne, not without Bismarck's participation. This caused deep discontent and protest from Emperor Napoleon III, since the French could not allow the same Hohenzollern dynasty to rule in both Prussia and Spain. This created danger for France on both borders. In July 1870, the French government demanded from William that the German Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern refuse the Spanish crown offered to him. Under pressure from France, the prince's father, the Prussian King William, renounced the throne for his son Prince Leopold. Prince Leopold also abdicated the throne. But Napoleon III, through his ambassador Benedetti, presented to William, who was then vacationing in Ems, an impudent demand that the Prussian king, as the head of the Hohenzollern dynasty, officially approve such a refusal and, in addition, “for all future times” prohibit Leopold from occupying the Spanish crown. The French demanded a guarantee from the Prussian King William that such claims to the Spanish crown would never be repeated. The Prussian King Wilhelm was deeply humiliated and offended and did not make such a promise. At the same time, Leopold politely promised the French ambassador to continue negotiations on this. On July 14, 1870, from Ems, the king's close associate Abeken sent a telegram to Bismarck in Berlin, which reported on the negotiations in Ems. A master of provocations and fakes, Bismarck personally shortened the text of this “Ems dispatch” and deliberately distorted the information. Now it turned out that King William sharply refused to receive the French ambassador and thereby insulted him. Bismarck hoped that Napoleon would not tolerate the insult of the French ambassador and would be the first to start a war. The distorted text of Abeken's telegram was transmitted to representatives of the press. When the text of the telegram was forged, Generals Roon and Helmut Moltke were present and having lunch with Bismarck. Abeken's telegram upset them, they even interrupted lunch. But as soon as Bismarck showed them the fake, the generals cheered up. They welcomed Bismarck's idea and were happy about the war with France in advance.
Napoleon also knew how the negotiations between Ambassador Benedetti and the king actually proceeded, but he was not interested in the truth. He used the published text of the “Emes Dispatch” to declare France offended. It seemed to him that the favorable and plausible moment for an attack on Prussia had finally arrived. By falsifying the so-called “Ems dispatch,” Otto von Bismarck achieved his goal. On July 19, 1870, France, represented by the government of the Second Republic, was the first to officially declare war on Prussia. Napoleon III's favorite, the new Prime Minister Emile Olivier, and Empress Eugenie urged Napoleon III to declare war on Prussia. The French press launched a wide propaganda campaign in support of the war with Prussia. France thus acted as the attacking party.
The beginning of the war and the course of hostilities. In the upcoming victorious war, the Bonapartist clique saw a way out of the deepening political crisis, which was assuming threatening proportions. The conflict between France and Prussia over the candidacy of Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern for the Spanish throne was used by both sides to hasten the outbreak of war, the declaration of which Bismarck provocatively left to Napoleonic France.
In order to finally secure his rear from Great Britain, Bismarck published a written statement he had hidden of the secret demands of Napoleon III four years ago regarding negotiations with Prussia and the seizure of Belgium. As expected, the British royal court and the British government were outraged and finally believed in the aggressiveness of France.
During the declaration of war, four days after its outbreak, on July 23, the General Council of the International issued an appeal to the workers of all countries, written by Marx, in protest against the outbreak of the Franco-German war. However, the protest of the International turned into demagogic chatter: not a single one of the Landwehr soldiers (as the Prussian system of recruiting troops was called) heeded the advice of the MTR appeal and deserted from the war, did not dare to lay down their arms and leave the battlefield. The General Council of the International called on German soldiers to do this in its appeal. Marx predicted the imminent collapse of the Bonapartist empire of Napoleon III. The appeal said: “No matter how Louis Bonaparte’s war with Prussia ends, the death knell for the Second Empire has already sounded in Paris.” The appeal exposed the so-called “defensive” nature of the war for the German states and revealed the aggressive, reactionary nature of the war, and showed the provocative role of Prussia in starting the war.
The French command, led by Napoleon III (during his stay in the army as commander-in-chief, Empress Eugenie was declared regent) relied on a lightning war, dictated by military and political considerations. The French army was not prepared to conduct a protracted, regular campaign. The Prussian army was better trained, had high fighting qualities and was numerically superior to the French. The people of France did not want war and were afraid that Prussia's war against France would turn into a war with the French people. Further, an important argument was that France had no allies at the time of its entry into the war. True, France harbored empty hopes that the first victories of French arms would prompt Italy and Austria to enter the war with Prussia on the side of France. For these reasons, Napoleon III planned to quickly invade Germany and achieve military advantage even before the completion of mobilization in Prussia. The French cadre system allowed for earlier and faster mobilization of its troops than the Prussian Landwehr system. This gave a gain in time and disrupted the possibility of connecting North German and South German troops. Having isolated the North German Confederation from the South German states that had not joined it (Bavaria, Württemberg, Hesse and Baden), Napoleon III achieved the neutrality of these states (anti-Prussian sentiments were strong in them).
However, to implement these plans, it was necessary to be fully prepared to wage a lightning-fast, offensive war. But from the very beginning, military operations developed extremely unsuccessfully for France. The French command's plans to wage a lightning war failed even before the first shot was fired. July 28, 1870, when the commander-in-chief of the French armed forces, Emperor Napoleon III, personally arrived at the border post of Metz (in Lorraine) to be present at the crossing of the Prussian border the next day. The Emperor found only one hundred thousand French soldiers on the border, and the remaining forty thousand were still in the Strasbourg area. This lagging contingent was not provided with any marching uniforms or equipment; there was no ammunition or provisions. The chaotic, belated mobilization of the French army proceeded somehow, very badly. Disorder and confusion also reigned on the railways; soldiers were transported under their own power over hundreds of kilometers. The favorable moment for the offensive was missed. The French army did not set out either on July 20 (according to the original plan) or on July 29, according to Napoleon III’s personal plan. Engels aptly remarked on this matter: “The army of the Second Empire was defeated by the Second Empire itself” (Works, 2nd ed., vol. 17, p. 21.). And at this time Prussia did not lose a single day. The Prussian Minister of War von Roon managed to complete the mobilization of North German and South German troops and concentrated them on the left bank of the Rhine. 4 August Prussian A They were the first to go on the offensive, forcing the French to take defensive positions from the very beginning of the war. Having missed the favorable moment and the initiative of the first strike, the French moved on to a long-term defensive war, for which they were not prepared. The French command was opposed by a first-class German army for that time. Its numbers were much, twice as large as the French army, organizational skills, military knowledge, experience of the command staff of the German army, the structure of the general staff, the combat training of soldiers, tactical training - according to all these indicators, the French were much weaker than the Germans. The Prussian command had a carefully developed military plan for the campaign, the author of which was Prussian Field Marshal Moltke. The German artillery was equipped with breech-loading guns: they were significantly superior to the French guns in terms of range and rate of fire. The superiority of the French concerned small arms (the Chassepot gun), but they did not use them properly. Finally, the Germans had an idea that inspired them, for which they gave their lives: the completion of the unification of the German fatherland. The German economy was ready for war: military warehouses were overflowing, railways and the transport system operated without interruption.
The troops of the German states were divided into three armies to facilitate administration. All three armies were located close to each other and, if necessary, they could easily be united together. At the beginning of August 1870, these three armies crossed the Rhine and settled along the Alsatian and Lorraine borders. The command of the French troops (eight corps) was taken over by the elderly and sick Napoleon III, and the chief of his general staff was Minister of War Leboeuf. French troops deployed on the North-Eastern border from Saarbrücken to Belfort.
On August 4, 1870, at Wissembourg or Weissenburg (in Alsace) and on August 6 at Werth (also in Alsace), the Prussian army defeated the southern group of French troops (the southern group of French troops was commanded by Marshal MacMahon). At Weissenburg, five thousand French held back a forty-thousand-strong German group all day and retreated to Strasbourg. French troops concentrated north of Strasbourg, numbering forty-six thousand soldiers, fought with a German group of one hundred and twenty thousand. Such a superiority of forces allowed the German troops to defeat the corps of Marshal MacMahon and cut it off from the rest of the French troops in the first days of the war.
On the same day, August 6, at Forbak (in Lorraine), the second corps of the Army of the Rhine under the command of the French general Frossard was defeated (the northern group of the French was commanded by Marshal Bazin). As a result of the first three defeats of the French army, the Germans occupied part of Alsace and Lorraine. The French fought valiantly and bravely, which was noted by the commander-in-chief of the Prussian army, Field Marshal Helmut Moltke. The courage and valor of the French soldiers alone was not enough to successfully wage the war. On August 12, the elderly Emperor Napoleon III handed over the command of the French troops to Marshal Bazaine and left for Chalons. Bazaine's troops (90 thousand soldiers) found themselves locked in Metz by two German armies in a narrow corridor between the Meuse (Meuse) river and the Belgian border. Bazaine's corps never entered the war until the surrender of the French troops on October 27.
The government of the Second Empire tried to hide the true state of affairs from the population, but rumors of defeat leaked to Paris and shocked the capital. The Parisian popular masses responded to the news of the defeat on August 4 and 6, 1870 with numerous anti-government demonstrations. Already on August 7, mass spontaneous demonstrations began and continued for three days in a row, until August 9. In different areas of Paris, spontaneous clashes occurred between demonstrators and the gendarmerie and government troops. There were demands for the deposition of Napoleon III. The demonstrators demanded the immediate proclamation of a republic and the arming of all citizens capable of bearing arms. Those gathered believed that only under a republican system would it be possible to achieve victory in the war with the German states. The demonstrators demanded that deputies of the left (republican) faction of the Legislative Corps come to power. Republican deputies, acting together with supporters of the constitutional monarchy - the Orléanists, believed that now, during an external threat to France, was not the time to stage a coup. “The breath of revolution was felt in Paris.” The popular uprisings were spontaneous; no one organized them, led them or directed them. The working class at that time was deprived of its leaders - they were in prison or hiding in exile. A favorable opportunity to overthrow the monarchy on August 7, when confusion and confusion reigned at the top and the capital remained without power for several hours, was missed. Ministers rushed about, crowds of people buzzed on the boulevards, the police and gendarmerie received no instructions. The government was very afraid of the action of the workers of Paris under the leadership of Republican deputies. But the fears turned out to be unfounded: the deputies of the left factions did not join the people, but preferred to send a delegation to the chairman of the legislative body Joseph Eugene Schneider (it included Republicans Jules Favre, Jules Francois Sim O n, K. Pelletan, etc.) with a request to transfer executive power to a committee of only Bonapartists. Joseph Schneider did not give his consent to the transfer of power, and this news encouraged the Bonapartists. They came to their senses and went on the offensive.
Already on August 7, the government took a number of emergency measures to suppress possible protests by the people. Paris was declared under siege and reinforced by a contingent of forty thousand soldiers transferred from various points. A number of departments were placed in a state of siege. The opening of an emergency session of the legislative body was scheduled for August 9. Deputies of the left faction entered into a conspiracy with the Orléanists to save the monarchy at the expense of the Bonaparte dynasty and create a temporary coalition government. Thus, in fear of revolution, the deputies of the left faction rushed to the camp of the monarchist reaction. They sought, through joint efforts with the bourgeois parties, to prevent the revolutionary overthrow of the empire and the establishment of a republic. This reassured the Bonapartists even more: they were now confident that the left-wing deputies were unable to risk a coup. The Bonapartists were ready to seize the political initiative from left-wing deputies and dismiss the liberal cabinet of ministers Emile Olivier. All the blame and responsibility for the failures in the war was placed on Olivier and his cabinet of ministers. The Bonapartists had a new cabinet at the ready, headed by the ardent Bonapartist Count Palicao.
In such conditions, on August 9, a meeting of the emergency session of the legislative corps opened in the Bourbon Palace under heavy security during the day. One hundred thousand Parisians, mostly workers, filled the square in front of the palace, slogans were heard: “Long live the Republic!” Attempts by demonstrators to enter the palace building were stopped by police and cavalry units. First, the head of the cabinet, Emile Olivier, spoke, trying to save his cabinet, followed by Republican deputy Jules Favre on behalf of the thirty-four deputies of the left faction. He made two proposals: on the general arming of the people and on the removal of Emperor Napoleon III from governing the state and the transfer of executive functions to a committee of fifteen deputies of the legislative corps. The first proposal passed almost immediately (it was supplemented with an amendment on arming the people in the provinces - the Bonapartists wanted to balance revolutionary Paris with reactionary peasant elements from the provinces). The second proposal to remove Napoleon III from power caused a storm of protest and was rejected by the Bonapartist majority. Even left-wing deputies were concerned about the prospect of a revolutionary seizure of power by the people. Left MP Jules Ferr And went out onto the terrace of the palace and appealed to the crowds of people to refuse to enter the premises of the legislative building. Another left-wing deputy, Ernest Picard, proposed postponing the question of the resignation of the cabinet of Emile Olivier. But Olivier’s cabinet could not resist and resigned. The formation of a new cabinet was entrusted to the ardent Bonapartist Count Charles Montauban de Palicao. The Bonapartists were triumphant: they had won a temporary victory.
So, thanks to the complicity of left-wing deputies, the events of August 7–9 extended the days of the Second Empire and brought to power in France a right-wing Bonapartist clique led by Count Charles Palikao (he received the portfolio of Minister of War). This clique sought at any cost to prolong the agony of the Bonapartist regime, which accelerated the military defeat of France. The new cabinet of ministers called itself the “Ministry of National Defense,” making it clear that it considered its main task to be the fight against German troops. The first measures of the new cabinet of ministers of Count Charles Palikao were aimed at suppressing anti-Bonapartist sentiments: already on August 10, the republican newspapers “Revey” and “Rappel” were closed. Instead of supporting the Army of the Rhine, part of the French troops from the border departments was withdrawn and transferred to Paris. British diplomats and the socialist press considered Palikao's ministry unviable: “The Empire is approaching its end...”. Republican deputies, including their leader Leon Gambetta, from the rostrum of the legislative body extolled the patriotism of the cabinet of Charles Palicao and loyally thanked the count and his ministers for their good intentions in the defense of the country. On the night of August 12, socialist leader Auguste Blanqui arrived in Paris from Brussels illegally. The socialists attempted to overthrow the empire on August 14, but were defeated: there was no support from the workers, time was lost. Blanca's calls to the people: “Long live the Republic!” To arms! Death of the Prussian A cam!” remained unnoticed. Leading people of France Louis Eugene Varlin, Jules Valles, Louise Michel) condemned the Blanquists for their recklessness. Bourgeois republicans called the coup attempt on August 14 “a vile affair of Prussian spies.” On August 17, Leon Gambetta poured out his gratitude to the Palicao government for “immediately following the trail of Bismarck’s spies” and demanded the most severe punishment for the participants in the speech - the socialists. Blanquists Emil Ed and Brid, arrested on August 14 O were sentenced to death by the tribunal. The government of Count Charles Palicao was supported by the Orléanists, led by Louis Adolphe Thiers. The Orléanists (supporters of the restoration of the Orléans dynasty) and Louis Thiers considered the military defeat of the Second Empire inevitable and prepared an Orléanist restoration. Both princes of Orleans petitioned the government of Count Charles Palicao to return to France “to participate in the defense of the fatherland,” but their request was not granted (to the delight of Louis Thiers, who considered their appearance in France premature). In addition to the Orléanist monarchist group, legitimists (supporters of the restoration of the legal, legitimate Bourbon dynasty) acted on the political field of France. Finally, the third monarchist group was the party of the current ruling dynasty of the Bonapartes - the Bonapartists.
Meanwhile, events at the front brought the Second Empire closer to complete military defeat. On August 14, Prussian troops forced a battle on the French near the village of Born And, to cut off their path to Verdun, where the French command was gathering troops, intending to create a new army there, the Chalons army. The Prussian command involved the French in two new bloody battles: on August 16 at Mars-la-Tour - Resonville and on August 18 at Gravlot - Saint-Privat. Despite the courage and heroism shown by ordinary French soldiers, the military defeat of the Army of the Rhine ended. The culprits of both defeats were Marshal Bazin, who shortly before (August 12) replaced Emperor Napoleon III as commander-in-chief. Bazin left the troops without reinforcements and leadership. The treacherous inaction of the French Marshal Bazin brought victory to the Prussians A Kam. After five days of fighting in the vicinity of Metz, Bazaine's army of one hundred and fifty thousand was cut off from Chalons and blocked in Metz by seven corps of the first and second armies of German troops (totaling 160 thousand people). The third German army moved unhindered towards Paris, and the fourth (reserve) German army and three cavalry divisions also rushed there.
On August 20, Engels wrote: “The military power of France has been destroyed.” Unbridled Bonapartist terror raged in Paris and the provinces. Distrust, suspicion, and spy mania led to lynchings and bloody massacres of the population against suspicious persons. The Bonapartist press in every possible way encouraged these reprisals, presenting them as “just revenge of the people against traitors to the motherland.”
As for the creation of an armed national guard, it was deliberately delayed and sabotaged by local authorities. The propertied people were enrolled in the National Guard, while the workers, formally included in the lists of guardsmen, were left unarmed. Fear of the coming republic stopped the authorities - arming the people was very, very dangerous. National Guardsmen were trained in military craft, holding sticks, umbrellas, canes and wooden models of guns in their hands. The same anti-national policy was pursued by the Bonapartist authorities in relation to the Mobile Guard. The government did not trust her and was afraid to arm her, because she was republican in her majority. The Bonapartist clique was dragging France into an irreversible crisis; the bourgeois republicans played the role of a buffer between the people and the empire. Engels rightly noted: “the national guard was formed from the bourgeoisie, small traders, and became a force organized to fight not so much the external enemy as the internal enemy.” (Works, 2nd ed., vol. 17, p. 121).
In August 1870, the political adventurer, reactionary and demagogue, Orléanist General Louis Jules Troche gained great popularity in France. Yu, who skillfully used the difficult situation in the country for his own purposes. Relying on the bourgeois republicans, with their help, Louis Jules Troche Yu managed to instill in himself the favor of the masses, who naively believed in the sincerity of his intentions and his ability to lead the country out of the deadlock. On August 16, Louis Trochu, by order of Count Charles Palicao, arrived in Chalon and took command of the 12th Army Corps. He aspired to become the military governor of Paris and commander of the Parisian garrison. But his ambitious plans were not limited to this: Louis Jules Troche Yu was sure that the war was lost, and the fate of Emperor Napoleon III was sealed. He was ready to transfer power into the hands of the Orléanists or Legitimists and thereby personally rise to the occasion.
Count Charles Palicao ordered Louis J. Troche Yu move the Chalon army to Metz to join the blocked army of Bazaine and, uniting them, defeat the Prussians A kov in the vicinity of Metz and stop the advance of the third and fourth German armies towards Paris. But the Orléanist Louis J. Trochu was not going to carry out the order of the Bonapartist Count Palicao. He decided to move one Chalon army to Paris in order to pacify the revolutionary Parisians and prevent revolution. The Orléanist Louis Jules Trochu did not believe in the plan of the Bonapartist Count Charles Palicao; for him it was more important to save the monarchy by removing the Bonaparte dynasty from power. Arriving in Chalon on August 17, on the night of August 18, General Louis Jules Trochu departed back to Paris, having in his hands a document signed by Napoleon III appointing L. J. Trochu as the military governor of Paris and commander-in-chief of the capital's troops. Eighteen battalions of the Paris Mobile Guard followed the general to Paris. The Chalon army was to immediately begin moving towards Paris. With the help of the army and eighteen battalions of mobiles, Louis J. Trochu hoped to wrest sanction for his new appointment from Count Charles Palikao. Upon arrival in Paris, a fierce struggle broke out between Count Charles Palikao and General Trochu, which became acute. Each of them ignored the orders of their opponent, and this extremely weakened the defense of Paris. The popularity of Orléanist Louis Jules Trochu grew every day; he became “the idol of the French bourgeoisie,” “the supreme arbiter of the fate of the government and defense of Paris.”
Meanwhile, in the vicinity of Metz, the final act of the military drama was being played out. On August 21, Marshal Marie Edme MacMahon, Duke of Magenta, transferred troops from Chalons to Reims, in order to march from there towards Paris on August 23. But on August 23, for an incomprehensible explanation, he moved troops not towards Paris, but towards Metz, which was associated with the loss of the last active French army. Apparently, this was insisted on by a dispatch received by Marie Edme MacMahon, Duke of Magenta, the day before from Count Charles Palicao, who insisted on connecting with Bazaine.
The movement of the ten thousand army of Marie Edme MacMahon, unsuitable for crossing the Ardennes, not provided with provisions or equipment, and demoralized by the previous defeat, was extremely slow. The Germans blocked McMahon's path to Metz and came close to Metz on August 28. Charles Palikao, meanwhile, sent Marshal MacMahon a new dispatch demanding a connection with Bazin: “If you leave Bazin, a revolution will occur in Paris.” On the night of August 28, Marshal MacMahon began to retreat west to Maizières, otherwise he could have been locked in a narrow corridor between the Meuse (Meuse) river and the Belgian border. On August 28, Marshal Marie Edme MacMahon arrived in Mézières and resumed movement east to the Meuse River.
On August 30, 1870, the Germans, who advanced to the Meuse (Meuse) River and captured the crossing across it, attacked the troops of Marshal McMahon and defeated them. The French troops were driven back to the outskirts of Sedan, where the emperor's headquarters was located. At dawn on September 1, without allowing the French to come to their senses, the Prussian command launched a counteroffensive and fought the largest artillery battle of the 19th century near Sedan, well described in historical literature. The Germans had first-class artillery and major positional advantages, and inflicted a crushing defeat on the French. Their 100,000-strong group with powerful artillery attacked the French. Marshal MacMahon was wounded and was replaced by General Wimpfen, who ordered the troops to fight to the end. The French position became increasingly desperate and hopeless; ammunition ran out. The battle lasted twelve hours.
Surrounded and disorganized, French troops, together with Emperor Napoleon III, concentrated in the Sedan fortress. In the afternoon, a white flag was raised over the central fortress tower of Sedan, on the orders of Emperor Napoleon III, who was there. Despite the courage and dedication of the French soldiers, the outcome of the military defeat, the agony of the Second Empire, was as follows: three thousand killed, fourteen thousand wounded, three thousand disarmed on Belgian territory, over five hundred guns surrendered, eighty-three thousand captured soldiers, officers and generals together with Emperor Napoleon III. The Germans got large war trophies - this was the outcome of the French military disaster at Sedan. Emperor Napoleon III sent a shameful message to King William of Prussia: “My dear brother, since I was unable to die among my troops, it remains for me to hand over my sword to Your Majesty. I remain Your Majesty's good brother. Napoleon." Apparently, the elderly emperor still hoped to retain the throne.
The next day, September 2, by order of the emperor, the French General Wimpfen and the Prussian commander-in-chief General Moltke signed the act of surrender of the French army. The success of the Prussian army was ensured to a large extent by the numerical superiority of the Prussians in almost all battles (except for the only battle on August 16 at Mars-la-Tour). The war with France took place for the Prussians on one sector of the front.
Assessing the tragedy near Sedan, K. Marx exclaimed: “The French disaster of 1870 has no parallel in the history of modern times! It showed that Louis Bonaparte’s France is a rotting corpse.” (Works, vol. 17, p. 521).
Bourgeois-democratic revolution of September 4, 1870. Despite the signing of the act of surrender, hostilities continued. On September 2, the third and fourth German armies, setting out from Sedan, moved towards Paris. The government of the Second Empire did not dare to announce to Paris the fact of the defeat of the French army at Sedan and the signed act of surrender. The authorities cowardly concealed from the country the military catastrophe that had befallen it. On September 3, nothing was known in Paris about the situation at the front. The Minister of War spoke in the legislative body and did not say a word about the defeat at Sedan. The authorities wanted to gain time and take measures to prevent the revolution before the official announcement of surrender. Left deputies proposed the Orléanist Louis Adolphe Thiers to head a coalition government with the Orléanist General Louis Jules Trochu as Minister of War. Orléanist Louis Adolphe Thiers refused the offer to head the coalition government: he assumed that the new government would not last long and preferred to remain on the sidelines, waiting for its fall. At the next meeting, left-leaning legislators proposed the candidacy of Orléanist General Louis Jules Trochu for the post of military dictator of France. “Before this dear, beloved name, all other names must give way,” the bourgeois right-wing republican Jules Favre appealed to the deputies. The Bonapartist majority rejected the proposal of the deputies of the left faction. Then the left proposed the transfer of power to a triumvirate of two Bonapartists (Joseph Eugene Schneider, Charles Montauban de Palicao) and one Orléanist (Louis Jules Trochu). The next day Engels spoke about this as follows: “Such a bastard.” O This company has never seen the light of day.”
The course of events soon completely upset the intricacies and political intrigues of bourgeois politicians, who sought to prevent the revolution and the republic by any means. By the evening of September 3, a message about a military disaster at Sedan finally appeared. The report downplayed the actual losses of the French army by half. And then Paris rose! An eyewitness to the events, the bourgeois republican A. Rank, described what he saw as follows: “Workers are descending from everywhere in crowded columns. One cry resounds throughout Paris. Workers, bourgeois, students, national guards welcome the overthrow of Bonaparte. This is the voice of the people, the voice of the nation.” The demonstrators headed to the Bourbon Palace, the Louvre, the residence of the Orléanist General L. J. Trochu with the slogans: “Deposition! Long live the Republic!” Left-wing deputies, led by Republican Jules Favre, pleaded for a night meeting of the legislative body and an announcement of the transfer of power to the legislative body. “If there is delay, Paris will be at the mercy of demagogues!” – the bourgeois republican Jules Favre begged Schneider. The legislators had at their disposal no more than four thousand soldiers and officers, and they were ready to go over to the side of the people. There was only one way to prevent a popular revolution - to get ahead of the people and abolish the Second Empire through parliamentary means. Almost all the deputies were unanimous in this: the Orléanists, the Republicans, and even the majority of the Bonapartists (the only exception was a pathetic handful of “hard-headed” Bonapartists who did not want to make any concessions). At a night meeting on September 4, the left faction prepared and proposed a draft statement on the deposition of the emperor. It began with the words: “Louis Napoleon Bonaparte is declared deposed.” The Orleanists wanted to add the wording: “due to the vacancy of the throne” (the emperor was captured by the Germans). The Bonapartist Count Palicao was opposed to the transfer of power to the legislative corps. At a night meeting around one in the morning, the Minister of War briefly informed the deputies about the defeat at Sedan and the capture of Napoleon III. The meeting adjourned exactly twenty minutes later without adopting any resolution. The explanation for this was that the Parisian workers were already ahead of the deputies; they surrounded the Bourbon Palace and demanded the establishment of a republic. Only the eloquence of the deputy, the leader of the Republicans, Leon Gambetta, who stood on a dais behind the locked fence of the Bourbon Palace, calling on the rebellious people to “prudence,” prevented the people from spontaneously seizing the legislative body. At two o'clock in the morning, overwhelmed with horror and fear in the face of the impending revolution, the deputies left the palace. The bourgeois right-wing republican Jules Favre left the Bourbon Palace in the carriage of the Orléanist Louis Adolphe Thiers. An unprecedented excitement reigned on the streets of Paris from the night and throughout the morning of September 4th. The words “deposition” and “republic” passed from mouth to mouth. The Blanquists launched active propaganda, calling on the people to revolt.
A new meeting of legislators was scheduled at the Bourbon Palace for two o'clock in the afternoon. Republicans, Orleanists, Bonapartists, Legitimists, leftists frantically tried to agree with each other on the form of transfer of power to the legislative body. The demoralized government troops on the approaches to the Bourbon Palace at night were hastily replaced by bourgeois battalions of the National Guard and eighteen mobile battalions loyal to the Orléanist General Louis Jules Trochu, who returned to Paris from Chalons. But it was no longer possible to save the empire; the Second Empire was virtually dead. By twelve o'clock in the afternoon the square and its approaches were again filled with demonstrators. The meeting opened at one fifteen in the afternoon (13.15), it lasted exactly twenty-five minutes. The Bonapartists managed to submit their proposal to create a “government council of national defense” under the leadership of Count Palicao as a military dictator.
At that moment, demonstrators burst into the Bourbon Palace, and the Blanquists were the first among them. The crowd burst into the corridors of the palace, occupied the internal staircases and rushed to the stands shouting: “Long live the Republic!” Deposition! Long live France!” Right-wing Republican Leon Gambetta appeared at the podium, calling on the people to “maintain order” and vacate the legislative building. Next to Leon Gambetta was the Bonapartist Joseph Eugene Schneider. Left-wing deputies replaced each other on the podium. Leon Gambetta rose to the podium eight times in an attempt to calm the masses. The Blanquists left the hall, leading their supporters away. It was about three o'clock in the afternoon. Due to the unimaginable noise, the chairman was forced to close the meeting and left his chair. The Blanquists returned to his place and demanded the adoption of a resolution on the deposition of the emperor and the proclamation of a republic. Resistance to the crowd was becoming dangerous. Left deputies removed the Blanquists from the chair of the presidency with the help of the guards and proposed limiting themselves to the deposition of Emperor Napoleon III. The bourgeois republican Leon Gambetta read out the draft resolution prepared by the left. But the trick didn't work. Demands for the establishment of a republic sounded with renewed vigor.
Then the bourgeois republicans, tired of futile exhortations and intimidations, turned to the last resort: according to established tradition, a republic should have been proclaimed in R A touche. Right-wing Republicans Jules Favre and Leon Gambetta called for following them in R A carcass. Confused t O Crowds of people followed Jules Favre and Leon Gambetta in two streams along the embankments on both banks of the Seine River and headed to the Town Hall. Thus, the House of Legislators was cleverly freed from the people. On the way to the Town Hall, Favre met with General Trochu, who had been holed up in the Louvre since the evening of September 3, waiting for a favorable situation. Louis Jules Trochu approved the actions of the deputies. Both streams of demonstrators arrived at Grevskaya Square around four o'clock in the afternoon. A red banner, hoisted by the workers, was already waving on the pediment of the Town Hall. In the crowded hall of the Town Hall, the Blanquists and neo-Jacobins tried to announce the list of members of the revolutionary government they had planned. It included the names of Auguste Blanc And, Gustave Flour A nsa, Charles Delecle Yu for, Felix P A. To wrest the initiative from the hands of the Blanquists, the Republican Jules Favre was forced to personally proclaim a republic from the rostrum. The remaining deputies in the Bourbon Palace feverishly discussed their list of members of the provisional coalition government of Orléanists and bourgeois republicans. The neo-Jacobins and Blanquists missed the favorable moment for creating a revolutionary government. Some of the Blanquists at that moment were releasing political prisoners from prisons - among those released was the bourgeois republican Henri Rochefort, whose arrival the Blanquists were eagerly awaiting at the Town Hall. Belted with the red scarf of the mayor of Paris, Henri Rochefort triumphantly walked from prison through the streets of the capital. He was asked to announce the composition of the revolutionary government. The popular republican Henri Rochefort was offered participation in their government by the neo-Jacobins and Blanquists, but he chose to join the list of bourgeois republicans. Each faction wanted Henri Rochefort as mayor of Paris, but he joined the list of bourgeois republicans. By joining the bourgeois republicans, Henri Rochefort played into their hands: he prevented the neo-Jacobins and Blanquists from coming to power. As for the post of mayor of Paris, it did not go to Henri Rochefort: the post of mayor was given to the most moderate republican Emmanuel Arag O, an elderly figure in the revolution of 1848, who had long since left the political arena. Henri Rochefort supported his candidacy for the position of mayor. The question of the head of government remained unresolved. According to the original draft, this post was intended for the right-wing Republican Jules Favre. Orléanist Louis Jules Troche Yu the posts of Minister of War and Military Governor of Paris were intended. But General Louis Jules Troche Yu agreed to join the new government only as its head. This demand was satisfied, and the bourgeois right-wing republican Jules Favre became the deputy of the Orléanist Louis Jules Troche Yu. Henri Rochefort did not object to the participation of Louis Jules Troche Yu within the government.
Regent Eugenie stayed in the Tuileries Palace, the Senate met in the Luxembourg Palace - both palaces were not attacked by the people. On the evening of September 4, at the first meeting of the government, the Republican Jules Favre received the portfolio of Minister of Foreign Affairs; Republican Leon Gumb e tta - became Minister of Internal Affairs; Republican Ernest Peake A r – became Minister of Finance; Republican Gaston Creme e- headed the Ministry of Justice; Republican Jules Francois Sim O n – Ministry of Education. Orleanist General Adolphe Charles Emmanuel Lefl O became Minister of War; Orléanist Admiral Martin Furisch O n - Minister of the Navy; Frederick Dory A n – Minister of Public Works; Joseph Magne e n - Minister of Agriculture and Trade. Henri Rochefort did not receive a ministerial portfolio, as did deputies Eugene Pelletan and Louis Antoine Garnier-Page e s, Alexandre Olivier Gleis-Bizou uh n. Orleanist Louis Adolphe Thiers also did not receive a ministerial portfolio; he himself refused to participate in the government, but in fact played a large role in the government.
So on September 4, 1870, a bourgeois provisional government was formed in France, which usurped the power in the country won by the people. The government pompously called itself a “government of national defense.” The Bonapartist empire was crushed by the Parisian workers and, despite the resistance of the bourgeois republicans, the republic was nevertheless proclaimed. Marx emphasized that “the republic was proclaimed on September 4 not by the pitiful lawyers installed in the Paris City Hall as a government of national defense, but by the Parisian people.” (Works, 2nd ed., vol. 17, p. 513).
The news of the fall of the Second Empire and the establishment of a republic was greeted with satisfaction in France. In Lyon, Marseille, and Toulouse, new republican authorities began to be created - revolutionary Communes. In their composition, in the nature of their first activities, they were much more radical than the central government in Paris. In the provinces, the opposition of the bourgeoisie was much weaker than in the capital.
The revolution of September 4, 1870 was the fourth bourgeois revolution in the history of France (first: in 1789–1794; second: in 1830; third: in 1848). It ended the Bonapartist regime of the Second Empire and led to the establishment of the regime of the Third Republic. The workers of Paris played a decisive role in the events of late August - early September 1870. The democratic transformations of France, begun by the Great French Bourgeois Revolution of 1789–1794, were continued by the revolution of September 4, 1870.
From the bourgeois-democratic revolution of September 4, 1870 to the proletarian revolution of March 18, 1871. From the first days in power, the government of the September republic stood up to defend its fatherland. Already on September 6, 1870, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Republican Jules Favre, in a circular sent to French diplomatic representatives abroad, announced the government’s determination to “fulfill its duty to the end” and not to yield “not an inch of land or a stone of French fortresses” to the German aggressors. At the same time, the “government of national defense” was looking for ways out of the state of siege. On September 12, the French government sent Louis Adolphe Thiers on a diplomatic voyage to European capitals (Vienna, London and St. Petersburg), instructing him to ask the European governments of Great Britain, Austria-Hungary and Tsarist Russia to facilitate the conclusion of peace on terms acceptable to France (less enslaving). All three European countries flatly refused mediation and military intervention in the conflict between France and the German states. On September 19–20, French Foreign Minister Jules Favre visited Otto von Bismarck's headquarters (in Ferrieres), but he also failed to negotiate an armistice with the Prussian chancellor. Only the second attempt by the Government of National Defense on October 30 was successful and the Parisians were told the “good news”.
The Government of National Defense scheduled elections for October 16, which were then postponed to October 2. The situation in Paris was extremely difficult due to the advance of the third and fourth armies of Prussian troops towards the capital. The other part of the German army was pinned down by the blockade of Metz and Marshal Bazaine's large army trapped there. In accordance with government decrees, a national guard was formed from all segments of the population, and weapons were issued to workers. There were not enough supplies of food and weapons to defend Paris. The Orléanist chairman of the government, General Trochu, took a capitulatory position and declared that “in the present state of affairs, an attempt by Paris to withstand the siege of the Prussian army would be madness.” Almost all ministers (with the exception of two or three) shared the capitulatory position of Louis Jules Troche Yu. The leaders of the new government were ready to make peace with the German aggressors on any terms. After the Battle of Sedan, the nature of the Franco-German war changed: the German aggressors sought to secede Alsace and Lorraine from France. The General Council of the International exposed the aggressive plans of the Prussian Junkers and the German bourgeoisie. On the French side, the war took on a defensive, patriotic character. In the occupied French lands, the German aggressors committed bloody crimes.
Without encountering resistance, in two weeks, by September 16, 1870, German troops approached Paris. On September 19, after an unsuccessful battle for the French at Chatillon, the Germans blocked Paris and began a siege. By the beginning of the blockade, an army of one hundred thousand soldiers and two hundred thousand national guards had already been formed in the capital. It became clear that the Prussian army would not be able to take Paris right away. In September Paris was surrounded. The headquarters of the German command was located in Versailles. The hundred-thirty-two-day (132-day) siege of Paris by the Germans began. Prussia became seriously concerned that other European powers would intervene in the conflict.
In France, there were patriotic calls to stand up for its defense, to defend the freedom and independence of their homeland. Great patriot of France, writer Victus O r Hug O wrote: “Let every house give a soldier, let every suburb become a regiment, let every city turn into an army!” Volunteers from other countries rushed to the aid of the French volunteers. The famous hero of the national revolutionary movement in Italy, Giuseppe Garibaldi, took an active part in the fight against the German invasion. His international detachment operated in a mountainous region southeast of Dijon. The number of fighters in partisan detachments (franc-tireurs) reached fifty thousand people. The operations of the French armies were carried out without sufficient preparation, were not coordinated with the actions of the Parisian garrison and among themselves, and did not lead to serious results.
On September 24, the Toul fortress capitulated; on September 28, after a seven-week defense and prolonged artillery shelling, Strasbourg surrendered. On October 29, after forty days of passive defense, Marshal Bazin surrendered the fortress of Metz along with one hundred and seventy-five thousand (175 thousand) French - the last regular French army - to German troops. An ardent reactionary, Bazin, even after the September 4 revolution, continued to consider the former Empress Eugenie the regent of France and conducted secret negotiations with her, seeking her consent to the peace conditions put forward by Bismarck. Marshal Bazin considered his army, which surrendered to the Germans, as a force capable of “restoring order” (i.e. the Bonapartist regime).
The tasks of ensuring the national independence of France and strengthening the republican system fell on the new government body - the Commune. Initially, the Commune was viewed by the population as a kind of city council, an intermediary between the government and the population. One of the documents of October 1870 emphasized that the Paris Commune should not consist of lawyers and bourgeois, but of revolutionary, advanced workers. The news of the treacherous surrender of the Metz fortress to the Germans caused great indignation in the capital. At the same time, the masses became aware of the defeat of the French troops at the village of Le Bourges e(in the vicinity of Paris). The National Guard first recaptured Le Bourges e from the Germans, but without waiting for reinforcements from General Louis Jules Troche Yu, was forced to surrender the village to the Germans again. Due to the inaction of General L.Zh. Trosh Yu the number of dead and captured French people reached two thousand people. Louis Adolphe Thiers arrived in the capital, who, on behalf of the government, took the initiative to conduct peace negotiations with Bismarck on concluding an armistice. Negotiations began in the main apartment in Versailles. On October 30, the government informed the population of Paris “good news” about the progress of negotiations with Otto von Bismarck on the issue of concluding an armistice between the German states and France.
On the morning of October 31, protests against the defeatist actions of the government began in Paris. Assessing the surrender of Metz as a betrayal, a crowd of demonstrators with the slogans “No need for a truce! War to the end! Long live the Commune!” broke into the Town Hall building. Members of the government were taken into custody, and a decision was made to immediately hold elections to the Commune. The creation of the Commune was assured. Prominent revolutionary Gust A to Flur A ns proclaimed the creation of the Committee of Public Safety, which, in addition to Gust A va Flur A nsa, Auguste Blanqui and Charles Delecluse were also included. The leading role in the events of October 31 was played by the vigilance committee created back in September, headed by the Central Committee of the twenty arrondissements of Paris. However, the rebels were unable to consolidate their victory. Active participants in the events of October 31 were Blanquists (supporters of Auguste Blanc And) and the neo-Jacobins (“new Jacobins”) differed sharply among themselves in their understanding of the tasks facing them. The neo-Jacobins Charles Delecluse and Felix Pyat, who joined the Committee of Public Safety, objected to the overthrow of the government and only sought the election of the Commune. A new Commune, following the example of the Commune of 1792–1794, would act alongside the government. Auguste Blanc And and the Blanquists believed that it was necessary to overthrow the government and establish a revolutionary dictatorship of the people, although they were powerless to carry out this plan. This news caused strong discontent among petty-bourgeois democrats. Troops loyal to the new bourgeois government, led by an ardent reactionary, General Auguste Alexandre Ducre, were recalled from the front. O, who was rushing to the Parisian Town Hall to “deal with the rebels.”
While the neo-Jacobins and Blanquists were discussing, the remaining members of the government, with the help of the National Guard battalions loyal to them, freed the arrested ministers and by 4 a.m. on November 1, they again took possession of the Town Hall. Having regained power, the government, contrary to its promise, did not resign and did not announce elections to the Commune. It scheduled elections for mayors alone for November 6, and hastily held a confidence plebiscite on November 3. Through manipulation, the government secured a majority of votes. Having consolidated its grip on power and regained its composure, the government immediately made arrests of everyone involved in the October 31 coup attempt. Blanqui and his supporters, neo-Jacobins and other participants in the failed coup of October 31, 1870, fled to avoid prison.
Disagreements among the leaders of the movement, tactical mistakes of the Blanquists, hesitations of petty-bourgeois democrats, unresolved illusions regarding the “government of national defense”, fear of the threat of civil war in besieged Paris - these are the reasons that determined the unsuccessful outcome of the uprising of October 31, 1870 .
Revolutionary uprisings also took place in other provincial cities. In Lyon, under the leadership of Mikhail Bakunin and his supporters, a performance took place, in which the workers of the “national workshops” took an active part. The crowd captured the Lyon R A carcass. The anarchist leaders of the movement urgently created the “Central Committee for the Salvation of France” and issued a number of decrees proclaiming “the destruction of the administrative and governmental state machine,” but did not take measures to consolidate the success. Soon the bourgeois battalions of the National Guard approached the Town Hall. The “Committee for the Salvation of France” liberated the Town Hall building without a fight. The uprising was suppressed. In Marseille, revolutionary-minded workers also seized the Town Hall on November 1 and hoisted a red banner over it. Power passed into the hands of the Revolutionary Commune, composed of anarchists and radicals. It was headed by Andr, a member of the International close to the Bakuninists. e Bastel And ka. The Committee of Public Safety was created, which began to carry out a series of democratic reforms. But already on November 4, battalions of the National Guard surrounded the Marseille Town Hall. The uprising in Marseille was also suppressed.
According to the same scenario, revolutionary uprisings broke out and ended tragically in Brest (October 2); in Grenoble (September 21 and October 30); in Toulouse (October 31); in Saint-Etienne (October 31). The garrison of the city of Chateaudun showed steadfast courage during the resistance to the troops on October 18. The unequal struggle lasted all day; the German troops fell into the smoking ruins of the city.
On October 7, one of the members of the government of national defense, the left-wing Republican Gambetta, flew from besieged Paris to neighboring Tours in a hot air balloon and developed vigorous activity there to form new armies. In a short time, the Turkish delegation formed eleven new corps with a total number of two hundred and twenty thousand people. The newly formed troops acted successfully: on November 9, the Loire Army entered Orleans and began to advance towards Paris. A month later, on December 4, under enemy pressure, French troops again left Orleans. Failures plagued the French not only near Paris, but also on other fronts. There was only one reason for the failures: the defeatist mood of the French generals, who did not believe in the success of the resistance and did not support the partisan movement of the common people. Strasbourg and Dijon were in the hands of the German occupiers.
The siege of Paris lasted over four months. The Paris garrison was commanded by General Louis Jules Troche Yu. Parisians suffered from unemployment: many businesses closed. The National Guard received a meager salary of thirty sous a day (a small copper coin). The food policy of the government of national defense in the besieged capital was also anti-people. In January 1871, bread standards were reduced to three hundred grams per person per day, and even this kind of bread could not be called bread; it was made from whatever was necessary. The cards also gave out a piece of horse meat, a handful of rice, and some vegetables - but even for these people had to stand in long lines from early morning. Cat and dog meat was sold at delicacy prices. The working population of Paris was starving, speculators were enriching themselves from the needs of the people. Cold, hunger and disease led to an unprecedentedly high mortality rate.
On December 27, one more thing added to all the misfortunes of the Parisians - artillery shelling. For a whole month, shells from German batteries exploded daily and methodically over the heads of Parisians, causing death and destruction everywhere; After each shelling, they left behind the ruins of residential buildings, museums, libraries, and hospitals; objects that had no military significance. Many Parisians were left homeless. But they bravely endured the disasters of the siege and still demanded that the fight against the enemy continue. The voices of those dissatisfied with the government of national defense, which brought France to a military catastrophe, were heard louder and louder. These sentiments of protest were reflected in numerous Blanquist literature, in the press, and in harsh speeches at meetings and in political clubs.
On January 6, 1871, the indignation of Parisians at the capitulatory tactics of the government found clear expression in the “Red Poster” published by the Central Republican Committee of the Twenty Arrondissement (it was created at the end of 1870 and united the district vigilance committees). The appeal put forward a demand for a general requisition of food products and the issuance of free rations. “The government did not call for a general militia, it left the Bonapartists in place and imprisoned the Republicans... With its slowness and indecisiveness it led us to the brink of the abyss. The people are dying from the cold and starving, .. the rulers of France do not know how to govern or fight. The place is the Commune!” – with these words the “Red Poster” ended. The slogan of replacing the bankrupt government of national defense and its replacement by the Commune elected by the people, with the entrustment of the functions of defense and administration of Paris to it, sounded with renewed vigor. It was in the Commune, endowed with government powers, that the masses of Paris saw the only force capable of saving France from destruction. Memories of the Paris Commune of 1792–1793 were combined with the ideas of creating self-governing communes and their federation promoted by socialists and Proudhonists. They talked about the Commune at meetings of the “red clubs”; they hatched plans to confiscate the property of fleeing owners, Bonapartists, churches, create workers’ associations, and transfer joint-stock companies into the hands of the workers. The Revolutionary Commune was often thought of as consisting of delegates from the socialist groups in Paris, and the government of France as consisting of delegates from the country's revolutionary communes and major workers' centres. Attempts were made to establish revolutionary communes in the provinces during popular uprisings in Lyon and Marseille.
Meanwhile, on January 18, 1871, the victors gathered in German-occupied Versailles - monarchs, kings, dukes, members of the governments of all German states that fought with France, and the entire diplomatic corps arrived. In a solemn ceremony in the Hall of Mirrors of the Palace of Versailles, the Grand Duke of Baden, on behalf of all German sovereigns, proclaimed William I of Hohenzollern Emperor of Germany. The Prussian king became the hereditary German emperor. As the Prussian Junkers and liberals wished, Wilhelm received the crown from the hands of the monarchs. Otto von Bismarck (reigned 1871–1890) became Chancellor of the German Empire. The unification of Germany was completed “from above”, through dynastic war, with the formation of the German Empire. From the first days of its existence, the German Empire, united under the leadership of the Prussian Junkers, showed its reactionary character from the very beginning. The monarchical system and the positions of the German reaction in Europe and their country were strengthened. The European powers watched with alarm the new dangerous competitor, who changed the balance and balance of power in Europe. Germany became one of the great powers of Europe.
On January 19–20, 1871, the Government of National Defense organized a major military raid at Businval (near Paris). As always, a poorly prepared operation led to the death of thousands of people's fighters who fought bravely and selflessly against a well-armed German enemy. By throwing the National Guardsmen into a trap set by the Germans, the government hoped to completely demoralize the population of Paris and break their resistance.
Outraged by such cynicism of the government of national “defense” (and in reality, treason), the working class of Paris raised a new uprising on January 22, 1871. The rebels again tried to capture R A carcass, but were fired upon and driven back by troops. But this time too, its initiators - the Blanquists - showed their inability to properly prepare it and ensure victory. As in the uprising of October 31, 1870, the leaders of the Paris organization of the International did not take part in the January uprising. The result was the same: the anti-government uprising on January 22, 1871 was defeated. The defeat was followed by massive
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Bavaria
Baden
Württemberg
Hesse-Darmstadt
139,000 dead and 143,000 wounded
Franco-Prussian War- - military conflict between the empire of Napoleon III and Prussia, which was seeking European hegemony. The war, provoked by the Prussian Chancellor O. Bismarck and formally started by Napoleon III, ended with the defeat and collapse of the French Empire, as a result of which Prussia managed to transform the North German Confederation into a unified German Empire.
Background to the conflict
Main article: Luxembourg question
The most important thing in this passage is the instruction to “limit the size of military operations.” It belonged to Austria and kept her from intervening in the war on the side of France.
Italy and the Franco-Prussian War
During the Franco-Prussian War, France, Austria-Hungary and Prussia tried to win Italy over to their side. But neither country was successful. France still held Rome and had a garrison in that city. The Italians wanted to unite their country, including Rome, but France did not allow this. France did not intend to withdraw its garrison from Rome, thereby losing a possible ally. Prussia feared that Italy might start a war with France, and tried in every possible way to achieve Italian neutrality in the outbreak of the war. Fearing the strengthening of Italy, Bismarck himself personally wrote to the King of Italy, Victor Emmanuel, asking him not to interfere in the war with France. Although there were proposals from Austria for an alliance against Prussia, they did not have the same effect as Bismarck’s words. The Prussian Chancellor managed to achieve neutrality from Italy in this war.
Austria-Hungary and the Franco-Prussian War
German artillerymen near Paris.
Consequences of the war
Proclamation of the German Empire at Versailles. Bismarck (in white in the center of the picture) wanted to unite the warring German principalities in order to achieve the creation of a conservative, Prussian-dominated German state. He embodied this in three military victories: the Second War of Schleswig against Denmark in , the Austro-Prussian-Italian War against Austria in , and the Franco-Prussian War against France in .
France
Napoleon lost his crown and was replaced by Adolphe Thiers. He became the first president of the Third Republic, which was proclaimed after the Paris Commune. During the war, France lost 1,835 field guns, 5,373 fortress guns, and more than 600,000 guns. The human losses were enormous: 756,414 soldiers (of which almost half a million were prisoners), 300,000 civilians killed (in total, France lost 590,000 civilians, including demographic losses). According to the Peace of Frankfurt, the former empire was inferior to Germany to Alsace and Lorraine (1,597,000 inhabitants, or 4.3% of its population). 20% of all mining and metallurgical reserves of France were concentrated in these areas.